Opinions
Nigeria: Act Now Before It’s Too Late, By Emeka Monye
Each time, the Nigerian government issues statements. Each time, we summon the South African High Commissioner. Each time, we are promised investigations. And each time, the violence returns.
In the build-up to political independence from Britain, Nigeria stood as a frontline voice in African affairs.
That role positioned the nation as a leading force on the continent — so central to African liberation and diplomacy that Nigeria was widely perceived as a potential superpower in African geopolitics.And true to those expectations, Nigeria did not falter.
The country embraced its political and economic leadership role with conviction, both before and after independence in 1960.
From the corridors of the United Nations to the liberation movements of Southern Africa, Nigeria’s imprint was unmistakable.
The nation’s support for fellow African states was comprehensive.
It was economic, political, social, cultural, and educational. During the dark years of colonial rule and apartheid, Nigeria opened its treasury and its classrooms.
It offered scholarships to citizens of Ghana, Togo, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Namibia, and others.
The Nigerian government funded the Southern African Relief Fund in 1976, contributing over $5 million — a significant sum at the time — to support liberation movements. Nigerian civil servants took a pay cut to fund the anti-apartheid struggle.
Our musicians, from Sonny Okosun to Majek Fashek, became the soundtrack of African resistance. Our passports were issued to ANC leaders denied travel documents.
We were, in every sense, “Africa’s Big Brother.”Yet, tragically, these acts of solidarity have been consigned to the dustbin of history.
Many of the countries that once leaned on Nigeria’s shoulders now appear unmoved by that legacy of goodwill.
The sacrifices we made during their years of struggle and suffering are met today with silence, or worse, hostility.South Africa offers the most painful example.
A nation that was once an apartheid enclave emerged from decades of racial oppression with Nigeria as one of its staunchest allies.
Lagos was declared an ANC operational hub. Nigerian students protested on the streets for Mandela’s release.
We boycotted the 1976 Olympics and the 1978 Commonwealth Games to isolate the apartheid regime. Nigeria lost trade, investment, and diplomatic opportunities for the sake of South Africa’s freedom.
But post-apartheid South Africa has turned a blind eye to that history. Today, Nigerians in South Africa live under the shadow of xenophobia.
They are hunted in their shops, assaulted in taxi ranks, and targeted in their homes. The attacks are not random.
They are systematic, recurring, and often justified under the obnoxious narrative that foreigners — especially Nigerians — are “taking jobs,” “running drugs,” and “fueling crime.”
That a fellow African nation would institutionalize the rejection of other Africans is not just pathetic. It is a betrayal of the Pan-African ideal.This is not new.
History is replete with patterns of anti-Nigerian and anti-foreigner violence in South Africa.
We saw it in May 2008, when over 60 people were killed. We saw it again in April 2015, when shops were looted in Durban and Johannesburg.
In September 2019, another wave left at least 12 dead, with Nigerian businesses torched on live television. And now, in 2026, the cycle continues.
Each time, the Nigerian government issues statements. Each time, we summon the South African High Commissioner. Each time, we are promised investigations. And each time, the violence returns.
For too long, the Nigerian government has turned a blind eye and a deaf ear to the plight of its citizens abroad.
Our foreign policy, once rooted in Afrocentrism, has become reactive rather than proactive. We respond to crises instead of preventing them.
We preach “Africa as the centerpiece” of our diplomacy, but we have failed to define what that means in 2026. Does it mean silent diplomacy while our people are killed? Does it mean economic ties at the expense of human dignity?The cost of inaction is no longer diplomatic — it is existential.
Every Nigerian killed in Pretoria or Durban chips away at our national pride. Every looted shop weakens the confidence of our diaspora, whose remittances exceed $20 billion annually and sustain millions of families at home.
Every video of a Nigerian pleading for his life diminishes Nigeria’s standing as a regional power.
A nation that cannot protect its citizens abroad cannot command respect at home.
So what must Nigeria do?
” We need a rapid response unit within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission, NiDCOM, capable of legal intervention, evacuation, and litigation within 48 hours of any attack. “
First, we must abandon the era of tepid press releases. Diplomacy without consequences is appeasement.
The government must invoke Article 3 of the 2013 Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission Agreement, which commits both nations to protect each other’s citizens.
Where violations occur, there must be reciprocal measures — from visa reviews to trade sanctions.
South Africa benefits from Nigerian markets, from MTN to Shoprite. That leverage must be used.
Second, Nigeria needs a Diaspora Protection Framework with teeth.
We need a rapid response unit within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission, NiDCOM, capable of legal intervention, evacuation, and litigation within 48 hours of any attack.
Our missions must move from being ceremonial offices to active defenders of Nigerian lives and property.
Third, we must re-educate Africa about Nigeria’s role. The younger generation in South Africa, Zimbabwe, and beyond has no memory of Nigeria’s sacrifices.
Our foreign policy should include cultural diplomacy — documentaries, curriculum exchanges, and memorials that institutionalize our Pan-African contributions.
If we do not tell our story, others will erase it.
Fourth, we must look inward.
The reason many Nigerians migrate is because home has failed them. Unemployment, insecurity, and poor governance push our best brains into hostile environments.
The ultimate protection for Nigerians abroad is a Nigeria that works. If we fix power, secure our streets, and create jobs, economic migration will become a choice, not a desperate escape.This is not a call for war. It is a call for self-respect.
Nigeria gave Africa its voice. We funded liberation when it was not profitable. We welcomed refugees when it was not convenient. We must now demand that the same humanity be extended to us.
The xenophobic attacks are not just South Africa’s shame. They are Nigeria’s test.
Our founding fathers envisioned a Nigeria that would be the giant of Africa not in size alone, but in moral authority.
That authority is bleeding out on the streets of Johannesburg.
History will not judge us by the speeches we made, but by the citizens we protected.
The time for quiet diplomacy is over.
The time for lamentations has passed.Nigeria must act now — before the next video, before the next body bag, before it is too late.
• Emeka Monye Is a journalist.
Opinions
The Girl Who Was Almost Married at 10 Is Taking Her Story to the United Nations
On September 4 this week…Sierra Leone’s First Lady is expected to stand before the United Nations General Assembly with a proposal aimed at protecting millions of girls from the same fate.
• Sierra Leone’s First Lady, Fatima Maada Bio
By Ahmed Sahid Nasralla (De Monk)
AT about 10 years old, Fatima Maada Bio already knew who she was expected to marry.
She was a child, but an adult decision had been made about the direction her life should take. Somehow, she escaped that future.
On September 4 this week, many, many years after that little girl could have been sent into a marriage she did not choose, Sierra Leone’s First Lady is expected to stand before the United Nations General Assembly with a proposal aimed at protecting millions of girls from the same fate.
She is expected to present a draft resolution seeking the proclamation of November 27 as an ‘International Day for the Elimination of Child, Early and Forced Marriage’. The proposal is new.
The date is not yet an official UN observance. It is a call for the international community to give the issue a permanent place on its calendar and, with it, sustained attention and action.
There is something deeply personal about that journey.
According to briefing material from the Office of the First Lady of Sierra Leone, she knew at around the age of 10 who she was expected to marry and narrowly escaped child marriage.
That experience did not become a footnote in her life. It became part of the reason she has spent years speaking about the rights and protection of women and girls.
The First Lady’s public advocacy has taken her from communities in Sierra Leone to some of the world’s most important international forums.
Her flagship ‘Hands Off Our Girls’ campaign has focused on ending rape, early marriage and violence against women and girls, while her work has also extended into girls’ education, women’s health and other issues affecting vulnerable communities.
However, her return to the United Nations this time carries a particularly personal weight.
She is taking a subject that could have defined her own childhood and asking the international community to give it greater and lasting attention.
It is not her first attempt to put child protection on the UN agenda.
In 2022, she spearheaded the effort that led the General Assembly to proclaim November 18 as the ‘World Day for the Prevention of and Healing from Child Sexual Exploitation, Abuse and Violence’.
“She is expected to present a draft resolution seeking the proclamation of November 27 as an ‘International Day for the Elimination of Child, Early and Forced Marriage’. The proposal is new.”
UNAIDS describes her as having championed the adoption of that first-ever World Day.
The United Nations has also continued to strengthen its attention to child, early and forced marriage.
In December 2024, the General Assembly adopted a resolution addressing the issue.
Sierra Leone has been moving on the national front too. The country enacted legislation in 2024 prohibiting marriage involving anyone under 18.
So when Fatima Maada Bio walks into the General Assembly this week, she will be carrying a story that has travelled through several stages: from the experience of a young girl, to a national campaign, to legislation, and now to another attempt to secure a place for the issue on the global calendar.
The numbers behind the issue are sobering.
The United Nations and other international organisations have consistently described child marriage as a major barrier to girls’ education, health, economic opportunity and personal autonomy.
Behind every statistic, though, there is a girl whose childhood is being shortened.
There is a school she may leave, friends she may lose, choices she may never get to make, and a future that may be decided for her before she is old enough to understand what that future means. That is why the personal history of the woman making this proposal is important.
Fatima Maada Bio knows what it means for adults to imagine a future for a girl before she has had the opportunity to imagine one for herself. She also knows what it means to get away.
That gives her advocacy a particular human quality. The issue is something she encountered as a child and has carried into her public life as an adult.
The fight has also taken her beyond child marriage. Last week, OncoDaily named her among its 100 Influential Women in Oncology for 2026, recognising her work in women’s health and cancer prevention.
The publication highlighted her partnership with the Merck Foundation, which has supported specialist medical training in Sierra Leone, including scholarships that contributed to the development of the country’s cancer-care workforce.
It also noted her advocacy for breast cancer awareness and early detection and her participation in discussions around the WHO Global Breast Cancer Initiative.
It is another part of a public role that has increasingly stretched beyond the traditional image of a First Lady.
Then there is child protection, and women’s health.
There is girls’ education, and the wider question of how countries protect women and children who often have the least power over decisions affecting their lives.
The international recognition in oncology is significant for another reason.
It shows that her advocacy is being noticed in fields far removed from the political spotlight in which First Ladies are usually seen.
Nonetheless, the child-marriage campaign remains different. It brings her public work unusually close to her own childhood.
Sierra Leone, as a country, has its own reason to pay attention to what happens in New York this week.
The country has already taken the important step of outlawing marriage involving children under 18.
The First Lady has been one of the most visible voices pushing the protection of girls into the national conversation.
Her campaign has also received international recognition, including her appointment by UNAIDS as a champion for the empowerment and engagement of adolescent girls and young women.
Now she is taking the conversation back to the United Nations. The proposed international day would not, by itself, end child marriage.
A date on the UN calendar cannot keep a girl in school, or protect her from an abusive household or change the circumstances that make families vulnerable to marrying off their daughters.
Those things require laws, enforcement, education, economic opportunity, social protection and changes in attitudes that can take generations.But international days can keep issues alive.
They create opportunities for governments, schools, civil society organisations, communities and international agencies to return to a problem every year, measure progress and remind themselves of what remains unfinished. That is the opportunity behind November 27.
This may also be the reason why the story of the little girl who nearly became a child bride is worth remembering when Fatima Maada Bio enters the General Assembly. She is no longer that girl.
She got education and became a journalist, an actress, an advocate, a mother, and Sierra Leone’s First Lady. She also became the President of the Organisation of African First Ladies for Development.
She is now asking the world to give millions of girls something she was fortunate enough to have: the chance to grow up and become all of that and even more before someone else decides what their lives should become.
That is what, on behalf of Sierra Leone and the world, she is carrying into the United Nations on September 4.
Not a speech or a title. She is carrying a powerful story the General Assembly should listen and act on.
• Ahmed Sahid Nasralla is the Ex-Officio and Immediate Past President of the Sierra Leone Association of Journalists (SLAJ), and the Chairman of the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ) Working Group on Climate Change.
Opinions
Is Dangote Refinery Playing the Giraffe by Leaving Domestic Oil Supply to Marketers?
Is Nigeria gradually returning to a situation where imported petrol is competing with locally refined PMS, even as Dangote Refinery has the capacity to supply a substantial portion of domestic demand?
[File Photo] Aliko Dangote
By Ochefa
WHEN I was younger, bedtime storytelling was one of my favourite pastimes in my family. After the evening meal, my mother would usually gather us together for this special treat.
Of all the fables she told us, one that has remained indelibly etched in my memory to this day was Why the Giraffe Eats from Tall Trees.
The story portrayed the giraffe as a humble and considerate animal. Because of its long neck, it could reach the leaves and branches of tall trees, leaving the grasses and shorter vegetation for sheep and goats whose shorter necks could not reach the higher branches.
So, what is the point?
Could the Dangote Petroleum Refinery be playing the giraffe in Nigeria’s downstream petroleum market—leaving marketers to supply the domestic market with imported Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), while it increasingly exports its refined products to other countries?
Recent developments in the petroleum industry appear to lend some credence to this question.
The management of Dangote Petroleum Refinery recently attributed its increased export volumes to rising imports of petrol into Nigeria.
The refinery said the decision to focus more on exports should not be interpreted as a lack of commitment to the Nigerian market.
“Rather, exports are a prudent operational response to the realities of a market where imported products continue to compete with locally refined fuel despite the availability of sufficient domestic refining capacity,” the refinery said.
Figures from the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) appear to support the changing supply pattern.
According to the regulator’s recent report, Dangote Refinery’s supply of PMS to the domestic market fell by 21 per cent to 25.8 million litres per day in July, from 32.5 million litres per day in June.
The monthly factsheet showed that the refinery produced about 25.9 million litres of PMS per day in July and exported 3.4 million litres per day.
The July domestic supply figure was reportedly the lowest recorded by the refinery in 2026.
At the same time, petrol imports rose by nine per cent to 19.7 million litres per day, from 18.1 million litres per day in June.
These figures raise an important question: Is Nigeria gradually returning to a situation where imported petrol is competing with locally refined PMS, even as Dangote Refinery has the capacity to supply a substantial portion of domestic demand?
Dangote Refinery has expressed concern about the continued issuance of import licences for petroleum products. It maintains that it has demonstrated sufficient capacity to meet, and even exceed, Nigeria’s domestic PMS requirements.
The refinery said that although it remains committed to Nigeria’s energy security and uninterrupted fuel availability, the continued inflow of imported PMS has created uncertainty around domestic demand forecasting and inventory management.
According to the refinery, it has consistently maintained sufficient inventories and reserved product volumes to guarantee steady supplies to the Nigerian market since commencing operations.
That commitment, it said, has involved substantial investment in storage facilities, logistics and working capital to protect consumers from supply disruptions and market volatility.
Why Dangote Says It Is Exporting More
The refinery’s major concern appears to be the lack of transparency over the volume of imported petrol expected to enter the country.
Without reliable information on future import volumes, it argues, it becomes increasingly difficult to plan production and manage inventories efficiently.
Maintaining large stocks of petrol that may not be absorbed by the domestic market also comes with significant storage and financing costs.
“As a responsible energy provider, we have always endeavoured to keep adequate reserves to satisfy local demand at all times,” the refinery said.
However, where significant quantities of imported PMS continue to enter the market through licences issued by the regulator, and there is limited visibility on future import volumes, the refinery says it becomes commercially unsustainable to hold excess inventory indefinitely.
Its argument is straightforward: when locally refined products cannot be absorbed by the domestic market because of competing imports, the surplus must be moved elsewhere.
Hence, the increased exports.
The refinery insists that this does not mean Nigeria’s domestic market cannot be supplied. Rather, it says the exports are a response to market uncertainty created by competing imports.
It also warned that if supply shortages eventually occur because of market distortions caused by excessive importation and the resulting difficulty in forecasting domestic demand, such shortages should not automatically be blamed on Dangote Refinery.

The company maintains that it remains ready and capable of meeting and exceeding Nigeria’s petroleum product requirements.
Dangote’s Transparency Concern Is Genuine—Expert
Oil and gas expert Dr Ayodele Oni believes Dangote Refinery’s concern over transparency is legitimate.
According to him, Section 317 of the Petroleum Industry Act contemplates the issuance of import licences where there is a demonstrable shortfall.
But, he argued, a shortfall determination that is not published cannot easily be scrutinised.
“NMDPRA should publish, ex ante, the aggregate volume of import authorisations it has approved for each quarter and the shortfall assessment behind them. That is a modest reform and it costs the regulator nothing,” he said.
However, Oni cautioned against simply shutting out imports.
He pointed to the performance of the country’s government-owned refineries, noting that NNPC’s three refineries produced nothing in July.
“A single plant supplying nearly the entire national market, with imports switched off, is a structural risk, not an achievement,” he argued.
He added that the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act exists to address such situations, stressing that regulatory policy should not be based on the assumption that a single refinery will never experience an unplanned outage.
According to him, the solution is structural: a transparent shortfall methodology, published quarterly import quotas, and the development of genuine second and third domestic refineries.
“Everything else is noise,” he said.
” The government cannot simultaneously encourage domestic refining, allow substantial imports without clearly communicating the basis for them, and expect refiners to maintain costly inventories indefinitely.”
Imports or Domestic Refining?
Another industry analyst and former Managing Director of 11PLC, formerly Mobil, Otunba Adetunji Oyebanji, believes Dangote Refinery is within its rights to export.
He argued that the government must retain the flexibility to import petroleum products whenever there is a potential shortfall.
“This is an internationally traded product,” he said, pointing out that even countries with substantial refining capacity, including the United States, continue to import petroleum products.
His argument is that economics, rather than sentiment, ultimately determines where petroleum products are bought and sold.
“We heard that Dangote exported to America. Don’t they have refineries?” he asked rhetorically.
For him, pricing remains a major determinant.
And therein lies the real issue.
The giraffe in my mother’s story was not merely tall; it was considerate. It reached the leaves that other animals could not reach and left the lower vegetation for them.
But Nigeria’s petroleum market is not a fable. Dangote Refinery is a commercial enterprise, not a charitable institution. It must make economically rational decisions, just as marketers and importers do.
The bigger question, therefore, is not whether Dangote Refinery should export.
It is whether Nigeria’s petroleum regulatory framework is creating the right conditions for locally refined products to compete fairly, while ensuring that consumers are protected and the country is not exposed to the risks of relying too heavily on a single refinery.
If Dangote has the capacity to meet domestic demand but finds it more commercially sensible to export because imported PMS is competing with its products at home, then the problem may be bigger than Dangote.
It may point to a regulatory and market-structure problem that requires urgent attention.
The government cannot simultaneously encourage domestic refining, allow substantial imports without clearly communicating the basis for them, and expect refiners to maintain costly inventories indefinitely.
There must be transparency.
There must also be competition.
And, most importantly, Nigeria needs more functioning refineries capable of supplying the domestic market.
Perhaps, then, the lesson from the giraffe is not that Dangote should leave the “grass” to the marketers.
It is that the rules of the forest must be clear enough for every animal to know where it stands.
Opinions
BREAKING: Lagos Govt Declares Today, Thursday Work-Free to Mark 2026 Ìṣẹ̀ṣe Day
The Lagos State Government has declared Thursday, August 20, 2026, a work-free day for public servants, political appointees and others to mark this year’s Ìṣẹ̀ṣe Day celebration.
The announcement was made by the Special Adviser to the Governor on Tourism, Arts and Culture, Idris Aregbe, in a statement on Wednesday. He described Ìṣẹ̀ṣe as “not a relic” but “a living expression of our traditions and a celebration of Yoruba spirituality as an important part of Nigeria’s cultural and religious landscape.”
Authorities expect the event to draw more than three million residents and traditional worshippers in what is billed as one of the largest gatherings of its kind. Celebrations will feature prayers, rituals, processions, drumming and cultural displays dedicated to the Òrìṣà, coordinated by the Association of African Traditional Religion Nigeria and Overseas.
Ìṣẹ̀ṣe Day has been observed as a work-free day in Lagos since 2023, following a request by the Lagos State Council of Obas and Chiefs. Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu has maintained the practice annually as part of the administration’s commitment to indigenous values and religious inclusiveness under the THEMES+ Agenda.
Normal government activities are expected to resume on Friday, August 21. Residents have been urged to celebrate peacefully and respectfully.
-
Business1 day agoOkin Biscuits Set For Comeback After 17 Years, Targets Revival Of Jobs, Local Manufacturing
-
News1 day agoBREAKING: FG Harmonizes Workers’ Salaries
-
Business2 days agoForest Sector Employs 42m People Globally – FAO
-
News1 day agoToxic fumes kill 37 in Okrika oil tragedy
-
Politics1 day agoNduka Obaigbena Challenges Tinubu, Atiku, Obi on 2027 election campaigns
-
News1 day agoFG Announces Two Weeks Closure of First Niger Bridge for Repairs
-
Business2 days agoEntrepreneurship: “How I Made N10m Monthly From Akara Burger” – Gov Eno
-
International2 days agoUber introduces robotaxi services in London after exiting Nigeria
