Opinions
Let Us Make A New Deal For Nigeria , by Chukwuma Soludo
▪︎Being a Convocation Lecture delivered at the Veritas University, Abuja; 7th November, 2024, by Chukwuma Charles Soludo, Governor, Anambra State.
This University is a promising unique experiment in Catholic higher education, and I am glad to celebrate with you on this 13th Convocation ceremony.
This University A Real Centre of Excellence
About 2014, I led a discussion on the financial sustainability of the University under the auspices of the Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria’s (CBCN) finance committee.I am therefore thrilled to learn that the University has not only grown phenomenally over the past 10 years in every aspect but has become a real centre of excellence.
Let me salute the vision of the founding fathers as well as the hard work and determination of the successive management of the University to bring it to this spectacular stage.
800 Students Graduate
May I, at this moment, congratulate all the 800 graduating students for having been found worthy in character and learning to deserve the degrees of this University.
Perhaps, commiserations are also in order, and I will come to this later.I confessed to your Vice-Chancellor, Rev. Fr. (Prof.) Hyacinth Ichoku (who was my student) a few days ago that I was not sure what to say to you at this event.
Graduation Speech or Motivational Speeches
Graduation speeches have become a cliche.I am not sure I remembered what was said at my own graduation lecture nor even who delivered it.In sum, they have become motivational speeches on how fresh graduates should seize the moment and conquer the world— with a litany of principles and practical guides to successful living.
There are dozens of self-help books and with phones in your hands, you can Google and educate yourselves better. Or better still, with variants of Artificial Intelligence platforms, AI can help you piece together a better “to-do list” for fresh graduates.
So, increasingly graduation speeches might become a waste of time for everyone. I will, therefore, disappoint you since I will not rehash those “how to succeed” homilies here.
Quite frankly, I expected a near-empty hall for this event!For me particularly, what should a state governor at this moment in Nigeria (governors are largely the butt of many jokes) be telling fresh graduates?
Limited Edition Generation
Second, my generation of the 1960s,1970s and older ones constitute what I describe as the “Limited Edition Generation ” generation.
Someone noted that we are the last generation to listen to and take care of our parents and the first that are forced to listen to and even take care of our children until death.
So, I just wonder whether we should not reverse the roles: you do the talking while I do the listening?
Or can you endure the torture of my boring advisory?
I graduated 40 years ago in 1984
As I stand before you, I can feel some parallels between my own graduation and yours today.
Yes, I graduated 40 years ago in 1984, and I recall the hope and despair we all felt as we came from our various postings for the National Youths Service for the Convocation ceremony.
The military was groping in search of answers to Nigeria’s myriad and seemingly intractable social, political, and economic problems.
It was the year of severe austerity measures, with long queues for the so-called “essential commodities” (rice, salt, milk, vegetable oil, etc) as well as rationing of foreign exchange.
The era of NEPA, NITEL and SAP
The Nigerian Electric Power Authority (NEPA) was derisively described as meaning “Never Expect Power Always,” while the less than 200,000 available telephone lines were largely moribund.
The Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) removed subsidies on students’ feeding in the universities, and the subsequent Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) came with all the SAP-related riots and protests.
ASUU strikes closed universities for months/years. That was the beginning of an era when jobs for university graduates could no longer be taken for granted.
Which Way Nigeria?
There was an acute scarcity of basics with rising inflation, unemployment, and poverty while the War Against Corruption and Indiscipline was launched. This was the year we all thought that Nigeria had fallen apart.
Sonny Okosun summed up the collective despair and hopelessness in his famous song entitled: “Which Way Nigeria?”
Please Google and listen to the song—40 years ago!Fast-forward to today, 40 years after. You are all graduating in 2024—the year that Nigeria finally summoned the courage to end decades of debilitating and destructive petrol subsidies as well as forex and electricity subsidies, with all the consequential shocks including, once again, rising headline and food inflation as well as poverty and unemployment.
Criminality Becomes The “ New Economy”
It is also the year of the big floods which have affected 34 states and displaced nearly two million Nigerians. Criminality has become the “new economy”—banditry, kidnapping and drug epidemic. Much of our public service is transactional rather than transformational, and it is increasingly becoming difficult for people to render service except it benefits them personally.
The quest for money as an end is deafening, and for a growing percentage of our youths, their motto in life is: “Get rich young or die trying.”
For many, it is increasingly difficult to maintain balance, especially in a culture where virtue has little currency.
The global megatrends are such that only those who have scalable skills and continuously innovate and adapt will thrive.
The United States has just elected Donald Trump as president with some trepidations and hopes for what it portends for the world. Soon, you will face some uncomfortable truths.
Your Dream Jobs Are Not There
For starters, your dream jobs are not there, and about 80% of you will not practise what you studied. It is scary and I am not sure how adequately the University has prepared you for survival in chaotic times.
As I draw the parallels between my time of graduation and yours, I am not sure whether to say congratulations or commiserations.
But what you make of the current situation depends on whether you see it as a challenge or an opportunity.
For me, Nigeria remains the Black man’s greatest opportunity. National Youth Service The next year–your one year of National Youth Service may be the year for re-setting.
You will meet new people; you will stumble on new ideas—good and bad; and you may even try some adventures.
Community Service
One day a week, you will have what we used to call a day for “community service.”
Make that day count! It might be your rehearsal for selfless public service. Start with Volunteerism: volunteer to serve at every opportunity.
Do something good for the benefit of society from which you do not expect to be paid. It is a pivotal year, your balcony moment, and you must make it count.
During my youth service at the then University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife), I attended all M.Sc classes in the Department of Economics—though I was not a registered student.
Perhaps, part of the impetus for me to resign from Coopers and Lybrand after five months to go back for post-graduate studies may have come from my NYSC experience.
My tailor in Abuja, Mr. Adekunle from Osun State, is a graduate of Geology from the University of Maiduguri.
He sold used clothes during his NYSC in Akwa Ibom and, from there, learned tailoring during the same service.
Today, he has more than 150 tailors, 30 graduates in Management, and other staff—all totalling over 200, working for him.I can cite over 100 similar examples. Thus, what happens in this one year of your ‘national service’ might determine whether Nigeria ends up as a half-empty or half-full glass for you.
Still, on your personal survival, let me add a little digression. Many of you probably only studied/read seriously while preparing for examinations, and believe that henceforth, the torture is over.
Bad News for You
I have bad news for you. Your bachelor’s degree (B.A.) might mean “Begin Again.”In today’s world, there is a connection between continuous learning and earning.
If you stop learning, you start decaying, or you can sum it up in a slogan: learn more to earn more! I have heard several of the richest people in the world brag about how many non-fiction books they read in a year.
I will not say more.As you venture into the uncertain world, you will need all the help you can get. You will need all the networks and partnerships you can get. Success in life is not just about what you know but even more so about whom you know.
As the saying goes, if you want to go fast, go alone, but if you want to go far, go together. So, you will need the help of others to get ahead.
“Anything” Cannot Take You “Anywhere”
Soon, you will start looking for jobs or other ‘help’ from people to jumpstart a new life.
For some decades, I always had young people approach me to help them find a job, and when you ask, ‘What do you want to do,’ a common answer was, “Anything.” Of course, “anything” cannot take you “anywhere” because as the saying goes, “if you don’t have a destination in mind, any road will take you there.”
So, my only tip to you on this occasion is to always seek intentionally to add value. Before you approach someone for help, there is a minimum investment/preparation you must make to be ready to be “helped.”
When you approach people, start with what value you will bring to the table—how you intend to ‘help them.’ This might sound counterintuitive. Paradoxically, that is also how you make money. Making money cannot be an objective; adding value is what makes money.
The Richest People in The World
Think of it for a moment. The richest people in the world (through enterprise, and not through rent or criminality) are those who set out to solve specific problems for society and money followed as a reward—naturally!. Think of the inventors, the software developers who set out to connect people socially (Facebook, Twitter, etc), industrialists, consultants, tailors, traders, or anyone seeking to create value for customers, and how money followed them consequently.
So, the next time you approach someone for help, start by telling them what you can also do for them, and you will see that they are more likely to listen to you than if you approach them for charity.
When You Are Applying for a Job
When you are going to apply for a job, spend time researching how you can help to improve the fortune of the company.
Instead of just “applying for a job,” write them a proposal on what you can offer, and you will see the difference.
Try it! Sorry, I veered off into advisory which I promised not to get into. Let me share some statistics that may jolt you to action.
Without a doubt, the first need of man is survival and safety. Maslow prioritized human needs as physiological needs (air, food, drink, shelter, clothing, sleep, and health), safety, love and belonging, esteem, and self-actualization.
Incomes Distribution
Again, the reality is that given Nigeria’s current income distribution, more than 60% of you may not go beyond satisfying the first need –physiological needs. When I was Governor of the Central Bank, we had a study that gave us a casual inference about the income distribution/inequality in Nigeria (beyond the Gini coefficient).
We discovered that 92% of the millions of depositors in Nigerian commercial banks had bank balances of N300,000 or less. But this 92% of depositors controlled about 7% of the total deposits, while the 8% that had over N300,000 controlled 93% of the total deposits.
I understand that a similar exercise was repeated several years later with a threshold of N500,000 and the distribution was largely unchanged.
Someone can crudely interpret this to mean that about 8% of the population controls 93% of the income, while 92% of the people control just 7% of income.
Crude as the statistics may seem but it tells a thousand stories and highlights the context of a society in which our new graduates must thrive and excel.
Unemployed or underemployed
I know many of you will already be casting and binding and praying that it is not your portion to end up among the 92% or among the many who may remain unemployed or underemployed for several years after your national service.
The point, however, is that if we all do not work to alter the meta-level architecture that produces such outcomes, much of our efforts at individual survival might be circumscribed.
My Core Message to YOU
This brings me to my core message to you: the current situation in Nigeria is not destiny. Everyone—I mean, everyone including you, the new graduates, can and must do something about it. Nation-building is too serious a business to be left to the politicians or public servants alone. A new social contract with basic socio-economic rights is possible.
Mission of Veritas University
Luckily, you are graduates of Veritas University—whose mission broadly interpreted is to mould new Nigerians that will create a new Nigeria. Let me bore you by reminding you of the Mission of your University, as boldly stated on the school’s website as follows:
“The mission of Veritas University is to provide its students with an integral and holistic formation that combines academic and professional training with physical, moral, spiritual, social and cultural formation together with the formation of Christian religious principles and the social Teachings of the Catholic Church…
Based on Christian inspiration and Christ’s sacrificial witness, the University shall promote authentic human and cultural development modelled on the person of Christ and shall champion the cause of justice and uprightness in society, work to empower the weak and the marginalized and promote dialogue and collaboration in human relationships at various levels and among various cultures and religions…..
Thus, graduates from Veritas University, Abuja, after successfully completing their studies, should be able to use the knowledge for the upliftment of themselves and the Nigerian society…
”Wow! The public-purpose mission of your university is a bold statement of progressive social thought. Combine the Catholic Social Teachings with Rick Warren’s book “The Purpose Driven Life” and laced with Chapter Two of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria (“Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy”), and you have a robust Progressive ideology and manifesto.
I pray that these documents can be mandatory readings in one of the ‘General Studies’ courses at your university. If your students/Nigerians take them as their compass in pursuit of private and public good, a new Nigeria will indeed be on the way.
These documents motivate us to a life driven by purpose above self and remind us that to serve is to live. Selfless public service is the greatest form of philanthropy.
I am in love with pragmatic progressivism, particularly Chapter Two of our Constitution, which provides a compass to a competitive yet humane and compassionate society where no one is left behind. It seeks to establish the social contract between the State and the citizens, although this contract is adjudged non-justiciable.
Making much of the aspirational contents of Chapter Two of the Constitution justiciable will create a new generation of Nigerians who feel a great debt of gratitude and, therefore, are fired by an intense sense of nationalism/patriotism to want to “give back to society.”
Increasingly, I meet young people who argue that they do not feel any sense of obligation/duty to the country.
They do not feel that the country has invested in them to demand patriotism and duty to the country. Unlike my generation, the nation did not offer them qualitative and tuition-free education at all levels. Why, after pulling themselves by their own bootstraps, should they care for Nigeria that has not cared for them? Sometimes it is difficult to respond appropriately without bringing God into the conversation.
Often, my answer is to remind everyone that if God, in His infinite wisdom, decided to make us Nigerians, there must be a purpose—and that purpose must be for us to contribute to His creation by leaving the country better than we met it. I must admit that this Homily, ennobling as it sounds, is not enough.
We must collectively do something to give every Nigerian a stake in the future of the country. Nigeria is undergoing a fundamental and disruptive reset. Hopefully, we have ended the debilitating scam called fuel subsidy as well as the forex and electricity subsidies. We have entered a “muddling-through” phase which we must navigate carefully. Soon we must migrate from the destructive subsidies that benefitted largely the urban elite to a productive social contract that creates opportunity for all.
Take education for example. I am a beneficiary of tuition-free, qualitative primary, secondary and university education in public schools.
We even had subsidized meals at the public University until the government could no longer afford them.
If there was nothing else that the military regimes used our first and second oil booms for, at least I can attest to their investment in education.
My generation will remain grateful, and for some of us, much of our life, especially in public service, is payback time.
As we muddle through the shocks occasioned by the needed disruptive changes, we must sit and craft a pragmatic New Deal for Nigeria plus an emergency national infrastructure plan akin to the U.S. Marshall Plan for Europe after the Second World War.
In the 21st and 22nd centuries driven by digitalization, only societies that intentionally mine their human capital will triumph.
A New Deal for the U.S. was a “series of programs, public works projects, financial reforms, and regulations enacted by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in the U.S. between 1933 and 1938 to rescue the U.S. from the Great Depression”.
Some elements of the New Deal, such as the Minimum Wage legislation, Draft Tax Reform Bill, planned cash transfers, etc, as well as the audacious Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway and Lagos-Skoto highway, are positive signs.
This moment calls for historic coordination between the federal and state governments to agree on the critical elements of the augmented New Deal and Marshall Plan as well as their implementation to deliver outcomes within the shortest possible time. A key issue will be the ‘national plan’ for the deployment of the apparent “fiscal/subsidy windfall.”
I say “apparent” windfall because much of the nominal increase in fiscal revenues is largely a money illusion.
In both US dollar terms and real purchasing power terms, much of the current revenue windfall is still far lower than in previous years.
For example, a state that received N5 billion or US$43.4 million as monthly FAAC allocation in 2007/8 when the exchange rate was N118 to the dollar and a bag of cement sold for a few hundred Naira would need to receive at least N77 billion a month at current exchange rate and prices to be restored to its 2007/8 position.
Infrastructure for the 21st and 22nd Centuries
But the state does not get even a third of such. Fixing the oil output will be a critical game changer in the short to medium term.
However minuscule or even non-existent the windfall in real terms, the federation must be seen to intentionally execute a new Deal that pragmatically coheres with our peculiar federalism while urgently addressing the needs of the people.
Besides the humongous investment to build infrastructure for the 21st century, we urgently need to prioritize our national investment in human capital— to transform our abundant human resources into productive capital.
In the 21st and 22nd centuries driven by digitalization, only societies that intentionally mine their human capital will triumph.
Deploying our depleting natural resources to invest in the bridge to the future—human capital—will not only give our teeming population a stake in society but also secure their future.
As a country, we must aim to remember this time in our history as the moment when we dared to remove the negative subsidies but deployed a part of the windfall to benefit our children and youths—via their education and health.
At the minimum, we should set a national target to bring out-of-school children to zero within 5-8 years and qualitative tuition-free secondary education to all Nigerian children within 10 years while mainstreaming selected centres of excellence for the exportable labour force.
As pragmatic progressives, we are trying the experiment in Anambra State.
Within our two and half years in office, we have kept our eyes on creating this future we desire.
Besides the historically unprecedented investment in transport networks especially to communities/local governments that never saw tarred roads/bridges/flyovers, aggressive urban regeneration, state-wide pipe-borne water revolution, three new cities including an entertainment/leisure city (fun-city) and an industrial city, breaking the 33-year old jinx of giving Anambra a government house/governor’s lodge, reforming and strengthening the public service, massive investment in security, law and order; etc, we have prioritized human capital development as our beacon to the future. We aim for human capital that is productive at home and exportable abroad.
There is an ongoing infrastructure revolution in our public hospitals—building/modernizing and equipping 326 primary health centres in 326 wards in the state; remodelled and equipping three general hospitals and completing/equipping five new general hospitals; pioneering telemedicine; building best-in-class trauma centre in our tertiary hospital as well as a world-class college of nursing sciences, etc.
Our health policy offers free antenatal services (with drugs) as well as free delivery (including CS surgeries) to pregnant women in all public hospitals. So far over 60,000 women have benefitted and with near zero mortality rate.
On education, besides the massive infrastructure upgrade of primary and secondary schools (with some migrating to smart education), we set out to end the era of schools without teachers by employing 8,115 new teachers.
We now have free education—free of tuition and all levies—in all public primary and secondary schools in Anambra.
We also subsidize Mission primary and secondary schools by posting thousands of government teachers to their schools, costing the government over N1.3 billion per month as a subsidy them. We also make grants to them as well as grants to Mission tertiary institutions.
Within the first nine months of the programme, enrolment in public schools increased by 18.7% and out-of-school children dropped to 2.9% — the lowest in Nigeria among the thirty-six states and FCT. Currently, we are aiming for zero out-of-school children.
One Youth, 2Skills Programme
Our investment in youths, with our innovative ‘One Youth, 2Skills Programme’— which the FGN has now adapted into the national curricula, has created over 5,000 new entrepreneurs, with an additional 8,300 soon to complete their apprenticeship and will be empowered to become an entrepreneur.
Our innovation district— our own Silicon Valley—aims to create a One Million digital tribe army, and so far, tens of thousands have received digital training including Coding skills.
Many are already employed in the digital space. We are very intentional in this drive to empower the next generation to take charge of their lives and move Nigeria forward.
Our goal is to break the dynasties of poverty by making education the ladder of opportunity for the poor to break the vicious circle.
When I was growing up, the children of the rich and the poor attended the same school and were taught by the same teacher. If the children of the poor were brilliant, they had a chance to do better than the children of the rich.
Today, not anymore! The children of the rich now attend expensive and well-resourced private schools while the children of the poor, especially the poorest of the poor attend poorly resourced public/community schools.
With poor learning outcomes, these children of the poor end up with no skills/opportunities and end up poor while their own children end the same way. Poverty, therefore, becomes a dynasty.
All of us must intentionally work to break this vicious cycle. A new national social contract can intentionally eliminate illiteracy and upscale the labour force within a generation. Yes, it is possible!
The year 2050 Expectations
By 2050, it is expected that there will be more than 400 million Nigerians and by the end of this century, Nigeria will be the third most populated country in the world after India and China.
With an ageing Europe and North America, Nigeria must opportunistically prepare to become the number one supplier of labour to the rest of the world.
Probably by then, the export of labour will be Nigeria’s largest source of export earnings. So, the Nigerian state must deliberately prioritize and invest in the people—especially their health and education.
We may have to rethink the current structure and model of education in the country. We must now conclude.
The governing elite has a state of emergency in our hands, and we must not fail the country. Every citizen is called to duty. God did not make a mistake in making us Nigerians.
To our young graduates, Veritas University has imbued you with knowledge, skills, and social thought to mobilize you for the public good. The future you seek is in your palms, and only those who plan can control the future.
As I look into your eyes, I can see hope. Yes, Nigeria may not have offered you much, but in fulfilment of your divine purpose on earth, you will be expected to give more than you have received.
I therefore urge you all to show up and participate in shaping the destiny of this nation.
We are Nigerians and this country belongs to all of us. We are all birds of passage but each of us must account to our Creator what we did while at our pilgrim post here on earth.
As I look around, I do not see many of the doyens of Nigeria’s first, second and even third republics.
Let no one tell you that you are the leaders of tomorrow.
That tomorrow is here: take it and shape it so that Nigeria can realize its manifest destiny as the greatest Black power and the leader in the 22nd century.
May your road be rough, and let us get it done, together!
Opinions
IWD: 50 rights female gender should enjoy
Women are individuals with talents, ambitions, and identities.
Every year on March 8, the world pauses to celebrate International Women’s Day (IWD), a global moment to reflect on women’s achievements and the ongoing fight for equality.
Meanwhile, beyond the celebrations, the real conversation centers on something deeper: women’s rights.
Tribune Online, highlights 50 key rights of the female gender, drawn from those principles and global equality frameworks, to mark International Women’s Day and remind society that equality is not a privilege but a right.
The Right to Respect
Every woman deserves respect in all aspects of her life, including society, at home, and in the workplace.
The Right to Be Free from Body Shaming
No woman should be judged or mocked because of her appearance.
The Right to Protection from Sexual Abuse
Sexual violence against women is a violation of basic human rights.
The Right to Protection from Physical Abuse
Women have the right to live without domestic or physical violence.
The Right to Emotional Safety
Psychological and emotional abuse are forms of violence that must be rejected.
The Right to Education
No girl or woman should be denied access to education.
The Right to Equal Treatment
Women should be treated equally to men in all areas of life.
The Right to Equal Pay
Women must receive the same pay as men for the same work.
Globally, the gender pay gap persists, where women are paid roughly 22% less than men on average, according to the Economic Policy Institute.
The Right to Freedom from Discrimination
Gender should never determine opportunities.
The Right to Political Participation
Women should have the opportunity to run for public office.
The Right to Own Property
Women should have the right to own land and assets.
The Right to Healthcare
Access to quality healthcare is a fundamental right.
The Right to Bodily Autonomy
A woman’s body belongs to her, no one else.
The Right to Vote
Women must participate freely in democratic processes.
The Right to Make Personal Decisions
Women should have autonomy over life choices.
The Right to Choose Marriage
No woman should be forced into marriage.
The Right to Decide Family Size
Women should determine the number of children they want.
The Right to Dress Freely
Women should not be shamed for their clothing choices.
The Right to Reproductive Freedom
Women must not be forced into abortion or sterilization.
The Right to Protest
Women have the right to peacefully advocate for their rights.
Women have the right to peacefully advocate for their rights.
The Right to Speak Out
Every woman should be able to express her views openly.
The Right to Privacy
Recording or sharing images of women without consent is unacceptable.
The Right to Protection from Drugging or Assault
Women deserve safety in social spaces.
The Right to Safety in Public and Private Spaces
Women must feel secure everywhere they go.
The Right to Be Seen Beyond Sexual Objectification
Women are individuals with talents, ambitions, and identities.
The Right to Freedom of Movement
Women should travel freely without restrictions.
The Right to Hold a Passport
Travel rights must not be denied based on gender.
The Right to Independence
Women should be encouraged to build financial independence.
The Right to Dignity After Divorce
Divorced women should not face stigma.
The Right to Respect Regardless of Marital Status
Being unmarried should never invite insult.
The Right to Protection from Rape
Sexual violence must never be tolerated
Sexual violence must never be tolerated.
The Right to Freedom from Harmful Cultural Practices
Practices like forced virginity tests must be abolished.
The Right to Freedom from Widowhood Abuse
Widows should not face degrading rituals.
The Right to Freedom from Gender Stereotypes
Women should not be confined to traditional roles.
The Right to Career Ambition
An ambitious woman should be celebrated, not criticized.
The Right to Equal Leadership Opportunities
Women should participate in leadership and decision-making.
The Right to Equal Opportunity in Employment
Career advancement should be based on merit.
The Right to Freedom from Disability Discrimination
Women with disabilities deserve equal respect.
The Right to Gender Equality Policies
Governments must reform laws that discriminate against women.
Right to Empowerment
Education, economic inclusion, and health access empower women globally.
Right to Celebration
Women’s contributions make the world better and deserve recognition.
Opinions
How Akpabio’s Leadership Secured Nigeria’s Electoral Future, by Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh
For the first time since independence in 1960, electronic viewing of polling unit results is explicitly grounded in statutory authority.
• Senate’s President, Godswill Akpabio
IN the evolving story of Nigeria’s democratic consolidation, few issues have provoked as much intensity as electoral reform.
The signing into law of the Electoral Act (Repeal and Re-enactment) Bill 2026 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu marked another chapter in this journey, drawing applause, skepticism, and fierce debate in equal measure.
At the centre of this moment stands Godswill Akpabio, President of the Senate, who has consistently articulated a position that blends institutional caution with reformist intent.
His assertion that the National Assembly met “the aspirations of Nigerians, not a few people who make noise” reflects not merely rhetorical flourish, but a deeper philosophy of lawmaking anchored in constitutionalism, legislative procedure, and national peculiarities.
To understand Akpabio’s positioning, one must situate the reform within Nigeria’s broader democratic trajectory. Since the country’s return to civilian rule in 1999, electoral reforms have often oscillated between technological optimism and structural reality.
The 2026 re-enactment does not discard innovation; rather, it recalibrates it.
In defending the new Act, Akpabio emphasised that the National Assembly undertook a “painstaking” and “thorough” process, mindful of the country’s infrastructural limitations, judicial precedents, and the ultimate objective of preventing disenfranchisement.
A key flashpoint in the debate was the question of electronic transmission of results. For many reform advocates, real-time electronic transmission became symbolic of transparency.
Yet Akpabio’s argument was not against technology; it was against rigidity detached from capacity.
He consistently maintained that technology must serve democracy, not endanger it.
In a country where broadband penetration is uneven, where insecurity disrupts network infrastructure across multiple states, and where power supply remains inconsistent, embedding inflexible “real-time” mandates into statute could, in his view, expose elections to avoidable litigations and invalidation.
This perspective aligns with the constitutional role of the legislature.
The Senate does not conduct elections; it makes laws.
The responsibility for operational modalities rests with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which applies the law within its administrative and technical capacity.
By leaving room for INEC to determine timing and modalities of transmission, the Act reflects a respect for institutional boundaries.
Whether history ultimately vindicates every provision of the 2026 Act will depend on future elections. But as of its enactment, the legislative record reflects a deliberate attempt to harmonize innovation with stability.
Akpabio’s defense of this approach underscores his insistence that Parliament legislate for posterity, not for transient political advantage.
At the State House signing ceremony, President Tinubu reinforced this institutional clarity.
He observed that Nigeria’s elections remain “essentially manual.”
Ballots are cast manually, counted manually, and declared by human beings.
While electronic viewing enhances transparency, the core process remains human-centered.
Tinubu’s caution about broadband readiness and cyber vulnerabilities echoes Akpabio’s reasoning.
Together, their statements project a governance philosophy that privileges clarity and feasibility over performative reform.
Perhaps the most celebrated innovation in the new Act is the formal legal recognition of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) result viewer, commonly referred to as IReV. This recognition represents a significant milestone.
For the first time since independence in 1960, electronic viewing of polling unit results is explicitly grounded in statutory authority.
Under the amended framework, results transmitted electronically—even if delayed due to connectivity issues—must ultimately reflect on the IReV portal once network is restored. This creates a verifiable digital trail that citizens, observers, and parties can scrutinize and interrogate.
Akpabio described this as a landmark safeguard against a historic problem: tampering between polling units and collation centres.
By ensuring that Form EC8A—the primary polling unit result form signed by presiding officers and party agents—feeds into a publicly accessible portal, the law strengthens accountability without discarding manual collation procedures validated by courts.
The Supreme Court’s pronouncements in post-2023 election litigation had clarified that IReV, as previously configured, was not the definitive legal record of results.
Rather than ignore this judicial interpretation, the legislature responded by integrating electronic viewing into statutory text while preserving the evidentiary primacy of signed result forms.
This harmonization of law and jurisprudence illustrates legislative maturity.Critics, including the opposition parties, alleged that the Act’s signing reflected partisan fear.
Civil society voices such as Yiaga Africa described the reform as incremental where transformation was needed. Yet even among critics, a pragmatic thread emerged.
The Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre and the Transition Monitoring Group urged acceptance of the law while focusing attention on demanding credible conduct from INEC.
This convergence suggests that while disagreements persist about optimal reform design, there is recognition that institutional strengthening is iterative.
Akpabio’s stance during earlier debates further illuminates his approach.
On February 8, at a public presentation of Senator Effiong Bob’s book in Abuja, he cautioned against hasty conclusions about an amendment process still underway.
His insistence that commentators wait until Votes and Proceedings were finalized before passing judgment reflects a proceduralist ethos. Legislative drafting is iterative.
Clauses are debated, amended, harmonised between chambers, and only then crystallised into final text.
By defending this process against what he termed premature media trials, Akpabio positioned himself as a guardian of institutional integrity.His critique of “retreat politics” is equally telling.
Consultative retreats, he argued, are valuable but not binding.
Final authority rests on the Senate floor, where clauses are debated and voted upon. This distinction reinforces parliamentary sovereignty within Nigeria’s constitutional framework.
It also shows a deeper democratic principle: advocacy informs lawmaking, but elected representatives deliberate and decide.
Another noteworthy provision in the amended Act concerns internal party democracy.
By empowering party members to vote directly for candidates during primaries, the law dilutes the dominance of small delegate blocs.
In theory, this broadens participation, reduces transactional politics, and enhances legitimacy.
Akpabio’s highlighting of this reform signals an understanding that electoral integrity begins within parties, not merely at polling units.
The Act also addresses scenarios where leading candidates are disqualified by courts. Mandating fresh elections in such circumstances, it prevents outcomes where significantly lower-polling candidates assume office by default.
This provision closes a loophole that had generated controversy in past cycles. In doing so, the legislature strengthens the moral authority of electoral outcomes.
The reduction of statutory notice for elections from 360 days to 300 days, may appear technical but carries practical implications.
It allows scheduling flexibility, including the possibility of avoiding sensitive religious periods such as Ramadan and Lent.
This demonstrates legislative sensitivity to socio-cultural realities—a recurring theme in Akpabio’s rhetoric about Nigeria’s peculiarities.
Opposition criticisms deserve engagement.
The PDP characterized the signing as hurried and partisan.
Yet the legislative timeline reflects deliberation across chambers, conference committee harmonisation, and eventual executive assent.
Moreover, the principle of legislative-executive cooperation is intrinsic to constitutional governance. The swift assent by President Tinubu can be interpreted not as haste but as responsiveness to parliamentary consensus.
Support from figures like Nyesom Wike reinforces the perception that the reform commands cross-sectional backing within the governing architecture.
Wike’s description of democracy as a “work-in-progress” aligns with Akpabio’s incrementalist philosophy. Reform, in this view, is evolutionary rather than revolutionary.
Central to Akpabio’s defense is the rejection of absolutism.
Mandating real-time electronic transmission in a context of infrastructural fragility could render entire states’ results vulnerable to nullification due to network outages.
He invoked comparative examples, including electoral disputes in advanced democracies, to illustrate that even technologically sophisticated systems encounter anomalies.
The lesson he draws is humility: laws must anticipate worst-case scenarios.
This caution is not synonymous with conservatism. By embedding IReV recognition in statute, the Act advances transparency beyond previous frameworks.
It creates a hybrid model—manual voting and collation complemented by electronic visibility. Such hybridity may represent a uniquely Nigerian pathway, blending global best practices with domestic constraints.
Akpabio’s rhetorical framing—distinguishing “noise” from lawmaking—has attracted attention.
While critics may interpret it as dismissive, it also speaks to a tension in contemporary democracies: the amplification of vocal minorities through media ecosystems. Legislative legitimacy, however, derives from electoral mandate and constitutional procedure.
By emphasizing the “generality of Nigerians,” Akpabio situates himself within a majoritarian democratic theory tempered by rule of law.The question of disenfranchisement further illuminates his position.
If technological failure in insecure or rural areas invalidated results, marginalized communities could bear disproportionate impact.
By allowing delayed electronic uploads once connectivity is restored, the Act seeks to reconcile inclusivity with transparency.
This compromise reflects distributive sensitivity.
In evaluating Akpabio’s stewardship, one must also consider his broader legislative philosophy.
He repeatedly asserts that laws must outlast individuals. This intergenerational perspective discourages tailoring statutes to immediate partisan contests.
Whether one agrees with every clause, the emphasis on durability highlights a statesmanlike orientation.The reactions from civil society, though critical, implicitly acknowledge the dynamic nature of reform.
Calls to continue advocating improvements indicate that the 2026 Act is part of an ongoing process. Akpabio himself has stated that doors remain open. This openness suggests confidence rather than defensiveness.
Ultimately, the measure of electoral reform lies not only in statutory text but in implementation.
INEC’s capacity, political party behaviour, judicial adjudication, and citizen vigilance will shape outcomes. Yet legislation provides the framework within which these actors operate.
By integrating electronic viewing, clarifying collation hierarchies, strengthening internal party democracy, and closing disqualification loopholes, the National Assembly has recalibrated that framework.
In positioning Akpabio in a favourable light, it is important to avoid hagiography. Democratic leadership entails contestation.
However, his consistent themes—respect for process, infrastructural realism, institutional boundaries, and posterity—form a coherent narrative. Rather than capitulate to populist maximalism or resist reform altogether, he charted a middle course.
Nigeria’s democracy, like many across the globe, navigates between aspiration and capacity.
Technological for determinism offers seductive simplicity; constitutional prudence demands complexity.
In the crucible of electoral reform, Akpabio has presented himself as a custodian of that prudence.
Whether history ultimately vindicates every provision of the 2026 Act will depend on future elections. But as of its enactment, the legislative record reflects a deliberate attempt to harmonise innovation with stability.
The broader democratic project requires precisely this balance.
Transparency without feasibility breeds litigation. Feasibility without transparency breeds distrust.
By embedding electronic visibility within a manual backbone, the Act seeks equilibrium. In championing this architecture, Akpabio aligns himself with a vision of reform that is incremental yet substantive, cautious yet forward-moving.
As Nigeria approaches future electoral cycles, the real test will be whether citizens experience greater confidence, fewer disputes, and clearer outcomes.
Should that occur, the painstaking deliberations defended by the Senate President may be remembered not as noise, but as necessary groundwork.
In that sense, Akpabio’s insistence that lawmaking differ from clamor may prove less a rebuke than a reminder: democracy flourishes not only through passion, but through patient construction of rules capable of enduring the storms of politics.
Nigeria’s Electoral Future shall have Senator Godswill Akpabio positively mentioned in its repository.
• Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh is the Special Adviser on Media/Publicity and official Spokesperson to the President of the Senate.
Opinions
Beyond the Noise: Godswill Akpabio and the Architecture of Stability
By Rt. Hon. Eseme Eyiboh, mnipr
Nigerian politics is not for the faint-hearted. It is noisy, dramatic, and often unforgiving. In a space where rumours travel faster than facts and headlines are written before the full story is known, substance can easily be drowned out. Real governance — the slow, patient work of building consensus, following procedure, and making tough decisions — rarely makes for exciting news.
The tenure of Senate President Godswill Akpabio has unfolded in that same charged atmosphere. It has drawn criticism, sparked debate, and generated its share of controversy — some sincere and rooted in genuine concern, some exaggerated for effect. That is the terrain of public life in Nigeria: intense, watchful, and rarely quiet.
Yet to evaluate this leadership solely through the prism of passing storms is to overlook the structure rising beneath the scaffolding. It is to confuse the weather with the architecture. Akpabio’s defining legacy will not be found in the daily churn of sensationalism, but in something far more consequential and far less clamorous: the deliberate stabilization of the legislature and its purposeful alignment with the executive in service of national progress.
Perhaps the most critical — and least celebrated — achievement of the current Senate is the restoration of constructive collaboration between the arms of government. After years in which legislative-executive friction often stalled governance in cycles of ego and brinkmanship, Akpabio has presided over a quiet but decisive shift.
What has emerged is a more mature, problem-solving partnership anchored in the understanding that Nigeria’s challenges transcend partisan divides. Under his stewardship, the 10th Senate has fostered an atmosphere in which policymaking rises above inherited animosities, enabling a focused pursuit of national interest.
Stability has been the oxygen of this Senate. It explains the timely consideration of executive communications, the passage of complex reform bills, and ministerial screenings that have been firm without being obstructionist.
From the presiding officer’s chair, this coherence has given government a more unified voice. In a federation as intricate and delicately balanced as Nigeria, coherence is not optional; it is essential. By prioritizing unity of purpose, Akpabio has repositioned the Senate from a potential arena of paralysis to a functioning engine of reform.
The most visible dividend of this stabilized framework is legislative output. The figures speak for themselves. In two years, the Senate has introduced over 844 bills, passed more than 90, and seen over 58 receive presidential assent under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
This pace — noticeably faster than that of recent assemblies — reflects what many observers describe as Akpabio’s leadership style: one that values efficiency, transparency, and measurable results over political theatrics.
Consider the Minimum Wage Act, a reform with a distinctly human impact. The law more than doubled the national minimum wage from ₦30,000 to ₦70,000 and exempted minimum wage earners from personal income tax. This was not an abstract fiscal adjustment; it was direct relief for millions of households navigating economic pressure.
Complementing this reform is a suite of tax legislation, including the Nigeria Tax Bill and the Nigeria Tax Administration Bill. Together, they represent a structural recalibration of Nigeria’s fiscal framework. By streamlining administration, responsibly broadening the tax base, and introducing targeted relief measures, these reforms have encouraged healthier fiscal competition among states and strengthened revenue generation. Nigeria’s GDP expansion from ₦314.02 trillion in 2023 to ₦372.8 trillion in 2024 stands as one indicator — among many complex factors — of renewed economic momentum supported by legislative-executive synergy.
Beyond macroeconomic indicators, Akpabio’s legislative vision reflects a keen appreciation of Nigeria’s geopolitical realities. His focus has not been confined to national aggregates. Under his leadership, the Senate has established five Regional Development Commissions covering the South East, South West, South South, North West, and North Central zones. These commissions are designed to reduce bureaucratic bottlenecks and accelerate infrastructure and social investment in regions long accustomed to delay.
This is development with strategic intent. It signals inclusion and reassures every zone that it is not peripheral to the national project.
Equally significant is the Local Government Financial Autonomy Act, which strengthens local councils’ control over their resources. By decentralizing both power and accountability — from Kaura Namoda to Urue Offong/Oruko — the law reduces dependency and narrows the space in which petty corruption thrives.
In the sphere of human capital development, the Students Loans Act stands out. Through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund, it provides zero-interest loans to students, directly addressing one of the most persistent barriers to social mobility. It is an investment in Nigeria’s most renewable asset: the intellect and ambition of its youth.
Akpabio’s influence has also extended beyond national borders. His leadership roles in international parliamentary forums have contributed to strengthening Nigeria’s voice in global conversations on climate resilience, migration, and development. At home, he has confronted controversy with openness rather than evasion. Allegations of budget padding were addressed in plenary debate, reinforcing institutional credibility.
His support for the removal of fuel subsidies — politically risky yet economically consequential — further demonstrates a willingness to endure short-term discomfort in pursuit of long-term stability. It reflects political courage anchored in conviction.
This posture is consistent with a career marked more by continuity than reinvention. From Governor transforming infrastructure in Akwa Ibom, to Minister of Niger Delta Affairs prioritizing regional development, to Senate President stabilizing the national legislature, the thread is unmistakable. It is this consistency that has led many to regard him as among the most effective Senate President in Nigeria’s political history. The claim is not one of perfection, but of performance — an operational legislature that works, visibly and persistently.
When history eventually asks what Senator Godswill Akpabio will be remembered for, the answer may not lie in the headlines of his era. It will lie in structure. His enduring contribution is the consolidation of legislative stability — transforming the Senate from a potential theatre of obstruction into a nucleus of collaborative policymaking.
That achievement is the platform upon which all else rests. It explains why bills move, why reforms gain traction, and why noise can gradually be shaped into governance. In a polity often pulled apart by centrifugal pressures, Akpabio has chosen to function as a centripetal force — holding the center not through coercion, but through deliberate and strategic harmony
And in doing so, he has supplied what a nation in transition requires most: stability — the firm foundation upon which a more secure future can be built.
Rt. Hon. Eseme Eyiboh, mnipr, is the Special Adviser, Media/Publicity, and official Spokesperson to the President of the Senate.
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