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When Death Comes Knocking…, By Emeka Monye

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Top government officials are always quick to deny claims of the death of high-profile public officials, oftentimes dismissing such reports as rumours.

LAST month when it was first reported by one online media of the death of erstwhile Nigeria’s Chief of Army Staff, Lt. General Taoreed Lagbaja, now of blessed memory, the Federal government and the Army Authority, denied it.

They said that the late army boss was on annual vacation, in the United States.

The Defence Headquarters issued a press release debunking such reports and accused the online medium of unprofessional conduct in the discharge of media reportage.

Likewise, the presidency vehemently condemned the report, claiming it was fake news and that Nigerians should disregard such a report.

Fast forward some two weeks later, the much talked about runoured death of the former army chief has come to rest with the reality that he is actually dead.

The press statement issued by the presidential spokesman , Bayo Onanuga , reads: “Announcement of the Passing of Chief of Army Staff, Lt. General Taoreed Abiodun Lagbaja President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, regrets to announce the passing of Lt. General Taoreed Abiodun Lagbaja, Chief of the Army Staff, at age 56.

He passed away on Tuesday night in Lagos after a period of illness.

Born on February 28, 1968, Lt. General Lagbaja was appointed Chief of Army Staff on June 19, 2023, by President Tinubu.

Lagbaja’s death reminds us of how, in the quest for power struggles and power play, the death of former President Umaru Yar’Adua, was shrouded in secrecy by the powers that be, around the presidency.

His distinguished military career began when he enrolled in the Nigerian Defence Academy in 1987. On September 19, 1992, he was commissioned as a Second Lieutenant in the Nigerian Infantry Corps as a member of the 39th Regular Course.

Thnroughout his service, Lt. General Lagbaja demonstrated exceptional leadership and commitment, serving as a platoon commander in the 93 Battalion and the 72 Special Forces Battalion.”

The statement by Bayo Onanuga also put to rest speculations about the death of Nigeria’s Chief of Army Staff His death marked the second time, in three years,  a Chief of Army Staff, COAS,  has died while in office.

The first time an army boss died was in May 2021 when Lt. General Ibrahim Attahiru died in a plane crash in Kaduna , alongside 10 other officers, including some crew members.

Death is an inevitable end, which every one of us must pay its supreme price, whether old or young, rich or poor, educated or uneducated.

However the means, we do not know and so, as humans, our prayer is to live long.

Lagbaja’s death is inevitable because as humans, we are expected to leave this earth at a certain time .

It resonates the kind of secrecy that pervades the official circle.

Top government officials are always quick to deny claims of the death of high profile public officials, oftentimes dismissing such reports as rumours.

Sometimes the public officials tag purveyors of such reports as enemies of the state and busy bodied individuals who are always meddling in other people’s private matters.

Lagbaja’s death reminds us of how, in the quest for power struggles and power play, the death of former President Umaru Yar’Adua, was shrouded in secrecy by the powers that be, around the presidency.

The information handlers kept the whole nation in suspense concerning whether Yar’Adua was alive or not.

It took the senate to invoke the doctrine of necessity before Goodluck Jonathan could be sworn in as the new president.

Till death, most Nigerians are not too sure of the exact day and date Yar’ Adua passed away. While some say he died on May 9th, a few others believed he died on the 10th of May, 2010, the day Goodluck Jonathan, who was his vice president, was sworn in as president.

Incidentally, the same circumference leading to the death of Yar’Adua that played out, also played out in the case of Taoreed Lagbaja, who until his death, was still in charge of the army, until President Bola Tinubu appointed acting COAS in the person of Major General Olufemi Oluyede, a course mate of the Late former COAS.

Both enrolled at the Nigerian Defence Academy in 1987 as the 39th regular course and passed out in 1992 after spending five years as young officers with the rank of second lieutenant.

The Osun state born General’s death also reminds us of how top level government secrecy almost marred the smooth transition of power during the death of General Sani Abacha on June 8th, 1998.

In one of his interviews with one of the national newspapers in the country, the former Chief Security Officer to Late General Abacha, Major Al Mustapha, averred that he had every opportunity to assume the office of the head of state if he wanted to but chose not to do so.

Why he didn’t take over as head of state is best known to him.

I remember my neighbour telling us on June 8th, 1998, sometime around 6am that Abacha was dead, even though no Nigeria media had reported the news of his death then.

My neighbour who was a ministry worker and now late, told us that he heard it on BBC news that morning.

It wasn’t until around 4pm we had that General Sani Abacha was dead. Abacha’s death was kept secret for reasons best known to information handlers at that time.

Scenarios like these where  information managers and handlers of public officials horde information from the prying eyes of members of the public oftentimes leave them with speculations.

This doesn’t portray the principal in good light and keep the larger public guessing.

As humans and mortals that we are, we are all fallible to the vagaries of nature, including taking ills.

Our prayers and hopes are that we don’t take ill during our primes that could lead to our untimely demise.

The Late Lagbaja had come, saw and delivered his mandate for his immediate Constituency – the army –  and the Nigerian state.

His memory can also resonate in the minds and hearts of those he lived for, as one can only wish his family the fortitude to bear the loss of their dear one.

▪︎Emeka Monye Is A Journalist And Works With ARISE NEWS

Opinions

Nigeria Must Prioritize Local Defense Contractors for National Security and Economic Growth

While Nigeria strives for self-reliance and national security, its defense procurement landscape remains heavily tilted in favour of foreign contractors.

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BY BEM IBRAHIM GARBA

Despite the growing capacity among Indigenous defense firms, Nigeria continues to favor foreign contractors.

This pattern threatens long-term national security, economic independence, and local innovation.

While Nigeria strives for self-reliance and national security, its defense procurement landscape remains heavily tilted in favour of foreign contractors.

Despite significant strides in capacity development, manufacturing, design, and operational capability, Nigerian-owned defense companies face systemic bias and limited access to government contracts.

This preference for foreign contractors and solutions incurs costs: economically, strategically, and technologically.

If Nigeria is committed to developing a robust, sovereign, and exportable defense industry, it must start by prioritizing local contractors.

FOREIGN FIRMS STILL GET THE FIRST CALL

Today, many Nigerian companies have developed capacity.

They offer reliable, innovative, and scalable solutions, including the production of sensitive equipment/systems, tactical vehicles, protective gear, and training facilities.

Yet, when the time comes for procurement, tenders and negotiations disproportionately favour foreign companies and suppliers.

These foreign firms are not only awarded high-value contracts but are often given easier access to key decision-makers.

Local companies, by contrast, face endless social and political hurdles: excessive scrutiny, limited engagement from end-users, and a lack of pilot opportunities to prove their systems in the field.

THE COST OF MARGINALISING OUR LOCAL INDUSTRY

The consequences of this procurement imbalance are far-reaching:

Capital Flight:

Nigeria loses billions annually by supporting foreign companies instead of helping Nigerian-owned businesses.

This practice enriches foreigners economically and denies local firms the opportunity to collaborate with international partners, which could enhance technology transfer, experience, and knowledge-sharing.

Job Loss:

Neglecting local defense companies negatively impacts the Nigerian economy and leads to job losses.

Manufacturing opportunities that could employ thousands of Nigerian youth are instead given to foreign factories, resulting in the creation and maintenance of valuable jobs overseas that could have been retained in Nigeria.

Technology Dependence:

Relying on foreign suppliers undermines Nigeria’s ability to develop, control, or modify critical defence platforms.

When Nigerian companies receive support, they are encouraged to strengthen partnerships with foreign technology partners, who can provide training and opportunities for technology transfer.

This strategy is essential for helping Nigerian companies develop the necessary technology more quickly.

Export Inhibition:

Without domestic validation, Nigerian-made defense products face challenges in entering foreign markets.

Nigeria aims to promote exports across all sectors.

For exportation to be successful, our products and solutions must meet international standards.

The export of Nigerian defense products will struggle unless these items are first given a chance to succeed in Nigeria.

We need to develop our local industry, validate our products, and then actively launch them into regional and continental markets.

BRAZIL AND INDIA: CASE STUDIES IN STRATEGIC PATRONAGE

Countries such as Brazil and India have demonstrated how intentional local patronage can foster globally competitive defense industries.

In Brazil, companies like Embraer and IMBEL grew under government-backed contracts and patronage.

The Brazilian Armed Forces committed to buying local, even when products were still under development and maturing.

Today, Brazil exports military aircraft and arms globally and has become a respected defense manufacturer.

Nigerian companies require more than just praise; they need patronage. Securing contracts, creating opportunities, and engaging in long-term planning are essential for our local defense firms to thrive.

India’s ‘Make in India’ initiative transformed its defense sector by mandating local sourcing.

Companies like Bharat Forge, TATA Advanced Systems, and Larsen & Toubro received long-term government backing, which allowed them to scale and improve.

India now produces high-quality drones, tanks, and artillery systems with export potential.

The lesson is clear: Nations that support local firms boost their economies, strengthen national defense, and enhance global influence.

A CALL FOR REORIENTATION IN NIGERIA

Nigerian companies require more than just praise; they need patronage. Securing contracts, creating opportunities, and engaging in long-term planning are essential for our local defense firms to thrive.

We call on the Nigerian Armed Forces, the Ministry of Defence, the Police, and all relevant government agencies to:

Adopt a Local-First Procurement Policy: Allocate a specific percentage of all defense procurement contracts to Nigerian companies.

Award Contracts for Capability and Growth:

Support local businesses by placing genuine orders instead of merely making promises or running pilot tests.

Various procurement models can be utilized to encourage the growth of local companies while minimizing risks for buyers.

We urge the Armed Forces and relevant purchasers to explore these models in the interest of our collective growth.

Foster Strategic Partnerships with Local Leadership:

The federal government, the armed forces, the police, and all other buyers should require foreign companies to partner with Nigerian companies to secure contracts.

Similar to the laws in places like Dubai, foreign companies should not be eligible to secure defense contracts in Nigeria directly.

They must partner with Nigerian defense companies to facilitate knowledge transfer and equity sharing with Nigerian firms.

Create End-User Incentives:

Encourage military and police leaders to implement solutions made in Nigeria and provide rewards for successful adoption.

Establish a Nigerian Defence Development Fund:

The government should create a Nigerian Defence Development Fund to provide long-term capital to local firms for research and development, infrastructure, and certifications.

THE TIME IS NOW

Nigeria’s future security needs to be developed within the country. This requires us to trust our own companies and local initiatives to provide the solutions we need.

Like Brazil and India, we must be willing to support homegrown solutions and products through their early challenges, understanding that true mastery comes with experienced local companies cannot thrive on encouragement alone—they require contracts, partnerships, and a long-term belief from their own country.

We possess the talent, ambition, and drive. What we need now is opportunity.

If Nigeria aims to become a true continental power in defense and technology, the change must begin with a simple decision:

Buy Nigerian, trust Nigerian, and defend Nigerian.

This article was written by Bem Ibrahim Garba, a defense industry professional and advocate for indigenous industrial growth in Nigeria.

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The Backlash Against Enioluwa’s Tears Shows Why Nigerian Men Are Dying in Silence , by Halima Layeni

The recent attack on 25 Year-old Nigerian influencer, Enioluwa Adeoluwa, for crying at his best friend, Priscilla’s wedding is more than an internet scandal. It is an indictment of our collective failure to raise emotionally healthy men.

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A nation that once took pride in raising “strong men” is now reaping the consequences of generations of emotional suppression and it’s breaking our men.

The recent attack on 25 Year-old Nigerian influencer, Enioluwa Adeoluwa, for crying at his best friend, Priscilla’s wedding is more than an internet scandal. It is an indictment of our collective failure to raise emotionally healthy men.

Enioluwa, in a raw, beautiful, and deeply human moment, shed tears as he celebrated a life milestone with someone he loves platonically.

But instead of compassion, he was met with venom.

The internet erupted with disturbing comments from Nigerian men, the very people who should understand the weight of unspoken emotions.

“Men used to fight lions and tigers but little boys have to watch Enioluwa shed tears like a woman on her period.”

“Enioluwa is such a terrible role model for younger men.”

“When I have a male child, when he turns 10 years old I go first break five bottles for his head make he know say men mount.”

“I go wear crown of thorns make he know say life no be bed of roses.”“See simp behavior. You dey cry because woman marry? Na wa for you.”

A man who cannot cry is often a man who cannot connect, cannot heal, and cannot love fully.

“He must have been sleeping with her. Why else would a man cry that much?

”These cruel commentary is not just about Enioluwa. It is about every boy who has been told that his tears are unacceptable.

It is about every man who has been shamed for showing emotion. It is about a culture that would rather raise broken, hardened men than whole, healthy ones.

There is nothing wrong with a man crying. There is nothing wrong with a man expressing deep affection for a friend.

There is nothing wrong with a man being emotionally present in a moment of transition, joy, or loss.

What is wrong is the fact that our society punishes softness, ridicules empathy, and weaponizes masculinity.

Boys in Nigeria and many parts of the world are taught from an early age that masculinity means stoicism, dominance, and emotional detachment.

“Be a man” often means: suppress your feelings, deny your pain, and never under any circumstances show vulnerability.

Over time, this has created men who are emotionally constipated, unable to process grief, incapable of expressing love, and ill-equipped to build emotionally safe relationships.

This recent incident also brings to light another disturbing facet of toxic masculinity, the idea that men and women cannot be friends without sex.

Enioluwa was accused of being a “simp,” “emotional,” and “pathetic,” simply for valuing his platonic friendship.

Some even went as far as suggesting that he must have been sleeping with his best friend because, to them, no man could possibly show that kind of love unless there was sexual benefit involved.

This thinking is not only immature, it is harmful. It denies men the full range of human connection.

It teaches them that friendship is only valuable if it comes with physical reward. And it strips them of the beautiful, non-sexual intimacy that makes life meaningful.

The idea that a man cannot cry over the marriage of his female best friend without ridicule is a sign of deep emotional poverty.

We are grooming our sons to become emotionally unavailable men and it is showing up in our homes, our relationships, and our society.

Men who cannot express emotions also struggle to be present partners, affectionate fathers, and loyal friends.

They retreat from vulnerability, and in doing so, they retreat from the very thing that makes them human.

The emotional repression we’ve normalized is killing our men literally and figuratively. Suicide, substance abuse, domestic violence, absentee fatherhood all have roots in unresolved pain and emotional illiteracy.

A man who cannot cry is often a man who cannot connect, cannot heal, and cannot love fully.

There is nothing weak about a man who cries. There is nothing shameful about being soft and compassionate.

There is nothing unmanly about being vulnerable. In fact, it takes immense courage to feel deeply in a world that tells men to shut it down.

Healthy masculinity is not born from emotional numbness, it is nurtured through compassion, empathy, and self-awareness.We must raise men who are free to feel.

Men who understand that crying is not a sign of weakness, but a release of strength.

Boys who will grow into men who can be tender with their spouses, emotionally present for their children, supportive of their friends, and kind to themselves.

The backlash Enioluwa faced is painful, but it has started a conversation that we cannot afford to ignore.

If we truly care about our men, their mental health, their emotional well-being, their future we must rewire the way we raise them.

No more broken bottles. No more crowns of thorns.

No more silent suffering. Let us raise men who cry, who feel, who love, and who heal.

Let us raise whole men.

Halima Layeni, Founder Men’s Mental Health Advocate / Life After Abuse Foundation, wrote this piece

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N500 Gala sparks cost-of-living debate

“How can I buy a Gala of N50 for N500?” Tolani, a final-year student at the University of Lagos said

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Once a humble N50 snack in the 2000s, Gala has now evolved with a premium N500 offering — igniting a heated cost-of-living debate. N500 Gala.

Social media and public discourse reflect Nigerians’ deep attachment to Gala as a cultural icon tied to its former N50 price.

BusinessDay reports that since February, the snack has been at the center of widespread discussions after UAC Foods introduced a new variation at a retail price of N500.

“How can I buy a Gala of N50 for N500?” Tolani, a final-year student at the University of Lagos said. This same sentiment was shared by Ann, a fresh graduate from the University of Port Harcourt.

She said “It feels weird buying Gala for N500, even though it’s a bigger size.”

Many Nigerians argue they would never pay N500 for a product they still associate with its N50 legacy.

However, what many fail to recognize is that the new product is almost double the size compared to what is now called the “old Gala”.

While the former product was 65 grams, the N500 Gala was 120 grams.

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