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Presidency To Lamido: You Falsely Accuse Tinubu In June 12 Roles

It is important to remind Nigerians that Alhaji Lamido, as secretary of the Social Democratic Party (SDP)—the party whose candidate, MKO Abiola, won the June 12 election—was among those who failed to oppose the military’s injustice.

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Photographs exist today, showing Tinubu behind Abiola and Abacha.

The attention of the Presidency has been drawn to recent comments made by Alhaji Sule Lamido, former Governor of Jigawa State, on live television, in which he falsely accused President Bola Tinubu of supporting the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election.

Alhaji Lamido’s claims represent a distortion of history and a regrettable attempt at revisionism.

He alleged that President Tinubu only rose to prominence after the formation of NADECO and claimed that Tinubu’s mother, Alhaja Abibatu Mogaji, mobilised market women to back the annulment.

These allegations are patently false. Let us set the record straight: Alhaja Mogaji never mobilised market women to support the unjust annulment.

Had she done so, she would have lost her position as market leader in Lagos. While she once had a personal relationship with then-President Babangida, this was before the annulment crisis.

It is important to remind Nigerians that Alhaji Lamido, as secretary of the Social Democratic Party (SDP)—the party whose candidate, MKO Abiola, won the June 12 election—was among those who failed to oppose the military’s injustice.

The SDP leadership, including Lamido and chairman Tony Anenih, wrote their names in the book of infamy by surrendering the people’s mandate without resistance.

To their eternal shame, Lamido and Anenih teamed up with the defeated National Republican Convention to deny Abiola his mandate.

In sharp contrast, Senator Bola Tinubu stood firm even before General Abacha dissolved the political parties and all democratic institutions, including the National Assembly, on November 17, 1993, following his coup.

Days after General Babangida addressed the Senate and announced his decision to step aside on August 27, 1993, the setting up of an interim government to replace him, Senators debated the speech.

On the Senate floor on August 19, 1993, Tinubu unequivocally condemned the annulment, describing it as another coup d’état and urging Nigerians to reject injustice and lawlessness.

The records captured his contribution, showing that he supported upholding the June 12 election, not against it, as Lamido claimed.

“We have a situation that suggests that the abortion of the June 12 election is another coup d’etat,” Senator Tinubu said.

“My question is, when are we going to stop tolerating injustices, coup d’etat and abuse by the people on whom we invested so much resources—the public funds of this country?… Yes, it is true that we have a crisis, but for every action, there must be a reaction.

This is a self-inflicted crisis because, without the abortion or annulment of the June 12 election, there would be no crisis like this. We have a government that made the law and abused its law.

Therefore, the present military administration, by virtue of abrogation and violation of its own decree, has committed a crime,” the Senator from Lagos West told his colleagues.

The election winner, Abiola, was out of the country when the legislators debated Babangida’s offer to step aside for an interim government. He returned in September 1993.

And who followed him to the Abacha military group, then openly planning a coup against the Ernest Shonekan-led ING? It was Tinubu.

Photographs exist today, showing Tinubu behind Abiola and Abacha.

Abacha took over on November 17, 1993, and dissolved all democratic institutions, including governors, the National Assembly, and the state legislature.

Tinubu and a group of senators reconvened in Lagos, defying the junta. Tinubu, Ameh Ebute, Abu Ibrahim, and others were arrested and kept at Alagbon.

The police took them to court and fabricated a case against them.

While in police detention, Tinubu continued to fund pro-June 12 protests in Lagos, including the blockade of the Third Mainland Bridge.

Weeks after Abacha supplanted the ING, it quickly became clear to Abiola and Tinubu that Abacha would not be a soldier of democracy as he reneged on allowing Abiola to reclaim his mandate.

Enter the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO).

It was born on May 15, 1994. Comprising a broad coalition of Nigerian democrats, it called on the military government of Sani Abacha to step down in favour of the winner of the June 12, 1993, election, MKO Abiola. On the first anniversary of his election, Abiola made a declaration at Epetedo in Lagos, announcing himself as the duly elected president.

Ten days after, on June 22, he was arrested, following which many pro-democracy activists also escaped from Nigeria, including Bola Tinubu.

Tinubu lived in exile for nearly five years while Lamido and his ilk made deals with Abacha.

While Tinubu was away, agents of the junta bombed his home in Balarabe Musa Crescent, Victoria Island. Thankfully, Lamido admitted that Tinubu played a significant role in NADECO. Indeed, Tinubu did more.

He also backed Professor Wole Soyinka’s NALICON, offering material resources to fuel the struggle.

It is well-known that Tinubu played a leading role in the agitation against the June 12 annulment.

Many NADECO leaders and journalists in exile and at home openly admitted that Tinubu sustained them and provided them with funds for the struggle.

With his narrative, Lamido appeared confused about the role of NADECO.

It was an offshoot of the June 12 crisis. NADECO provided a platform to channel the struggle.

Hitherto, all the resistance was left to civil rights groups, journalists, and a section of labour, such as NUPENG.

It is thus disappointing that Alhaji Lamido, despite acknowledging Tinubu’s NADECO role, would attempt to rewrite history for political reasons and being a member of the Coalition of the Disgruntled.

We advise Lamido to check his facts before going on television to spread falsehoods.

It does not help his image, and the coalition he belongs to engages in revisionism.

Revisionism does not serve the cause of truth or our nation’s interests. We do not want to believe that Alhaji Lamido suffers from what psychologists call tall poppy syndrome.

However, the conclusion is inevitable as it appears that Lamido is envious of Tinubu’s democratic credentials.

The facts remain clear: President Tinubu was—and remains—a steadfast advocate for democracy, in contrast to the record of Lamido and others who capitulated in the face of military oppression and intimidation.

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INEC removes 1.6m invalid voter records

The commission said it would publish the cleaned-up voter register on December 16, 2026, as required by the electoral law.

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The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) on Monday said that it has removed 1,608, 660 invalid registrants from the voter register.

INEC in a statement said this is part of an ongoing clean-up exercise, following claims, objections and complaints that trailed the preliminary voter register that was displayed by the commission in October.

The clean-up exercise also led to the removal from the register of a total of 876 voters, who have been verified as deceased.

The commission said it would publish the cleaned-up voter register on December 16, 2026, as required by the electoral law.

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Court of Appeal President Swears in 375 judges for 2027 election tribunals

Justice Dongban-Mensem, emphasised that the credibility of democracy depends not only on the conduct of elections but also on the existence of impartial, effective, and timely mechanisms for resolving electoral disputes.

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The President of the Court of Appeal, Justice Monica Dongban-Mensem, inaugurated today 375 judges to serve on tribunals that will hear 2027 general elections petitions filed by aggrieved parties across the country.

In her address on the occasion held at the Body of Benchers Complex in Abuja, she disclosed that the 375 tribunal judges were nominated from various courts and judicial institutions across the country.

“Of this number, 138 are returning members with previous Tribunal experience, while 237 are newly nominated members,” she added.

She urged the judges to be mindful that the judiciary will be subject to considerable public scrutiny owing to their actions.

Justice Dongban-Mensem, emphasised that the credibility of democracy depends not only on the conduct of elections but also on the existence of impartial, effective, and timely mechanisms for resolving electoral disputes.

said the inauguration of the tribunal judges highlighted a collective commitment to constitutional democracy, the rule of law, and the integrity of Nigeria’s electoral process.

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Nigeria’s Election Campaigns: Is The Peace Accord Working?

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Cover image: The top three contenders

Ohibaba.com staff writer exclusively reports that as the 2027 elections approach, Nigerians need more than public declarations of peace from politicians.

Nigeria’s political environment is becoming increasingly charged as political parties intensify their campaigns ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Against this backdrop, questions are emerging about the effectiveness of the National Peace Accord signed by political parties and presidential candidates to promote peaceful, issue-based campaigns and discourage electoral violence.

The accord, facilitated by the National Peace Committee (NPC), was signed on August 18, 2026, ahead of the commencement of presidential and National Assembly campaigns.

Among the presidential contenders are President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC), former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), and former Anambra State Governor Peter Obi of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC).

They are among 18 presidential candidates cleared by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for the 2027 election.

The political parties and their candidates pledged to conduct peaceful campaigns, avoid inflammatory rhetoric, reject hate speech and misinformation, and refrain from personal attacks capable of escalating political tensions.

However, developments since the signing of the agreement have raised concerns about whether politicians are genuinely committed to its provisions.

A PEACE ACCORD WITHOUT CONSEQUENCES?

There is no doubt that the National Peace Accord has contributed to creating a framework for dialogue among competing political parties and candidates.

By bringing political rivals together to publicly commit themselves to peaceful elections, the initiative provides an opportunity to promote political tolerance, discourage hostility and strengthen democratic participation.

However, Nigeria’s experience with previous elections suggests that signing peace agreements does not necessarily translate into peaceful political conduct.

The 2023 general elections provide an important example.

The joint election observation mission of the International Republican Institute (IRI) and National Democratic Institute (NDI) documented widespread political violence during the 2023 election cycle, noting that it was more violent than the 2019 cycle.

The European Union Election Observation Mission also raised concerns about electoral violence and the failure to ensure accountability for perpetrators.

These findings raise a fundamental question: What happens when political parties and their supporters violate the commitments they have publicly made?

The problem appears to extend beyond the absence of peace agreements to the weakness of enforcement and accountability mechanisms.

Although arrests have been reported following previous incidents of electoral violence, questions remain about the transparency of investigations, prosecution of offenders and eventual sanctions.

Without consequences, the accord risks becoming a ceremonial exercise in which politicians make promises without being held accountable for their actions.

CAMPAIGN RHETORIC AND THE POLITICS OF PERSONAL ATTACKS

Recent campaign activities have also raised questions about the commitment of political leaders to issue-based electioneering.

On November 6, 2026, President Tinubu and Vice-President Kashim Shettima took their party’s re-election campaign to Akwa Ibom State, where they criticised opposition presidential candidates Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar.

While Tinubu questioned Obi’s leadership record as former governor of Anambra State, Shettima challenged Atiku to account for the political structures, successors and enduring institutions he had built during his decades in public service.

Although political candidates have the right to scrutinise the records and policies of their opponents, such exchanges raise questions about the distinction between legitimate political criticism and rhetoric that could undermine the spirit of peaceful, issue-based campaigns.

Political competition should provide voters with an opportunity to compare candidates’ records, policy proposals and development programmes rather than degenerate into exchanges that heighten political hostility.

ASABA ATTACK: ANOTHER TEST FOR THE PEACE ACCORD

More recently, the reported attack on participants in the One Million Man March organised by the Obi/Kwankwaso (OK) Movement in Asaba, Delta State capital, has brought the issue of electoral violence into sharper focus.

The Delta State Coordinator of the movement, Mr Favour Emerue, called for an immediate investigation into the incident, alleging that armed hoodlums disrupted the peaceful procession and attacked participants with dangerous weapons.

According to him, one dead, several supporters sustained varying degrees of injuries and were receiving medical attention in hospitals across the state.

He also alleged that several campaign vehicles were vandalised during the incident.

Emerue described the attack as an assault on democratic participation and citizens’ constitutional rights to freedom of assembly and association.

The incident, which requires an independent investigation, raises serious concerns about the safety of political supporters and the ability of security agencies to protect citizens participating in lawful political activities.

It also presents another test for the National Peace Committee and the security agencies responsible for ensuring peaceful electioneering.

If political supporters cannot freely participate in campaign activities without fear of intimidation or violence, the fundamental principles underpinning the Peace Accord are undermined.

THE BIGGER QUESTION FOR 2027

The effectiveness of the National Peace Accord should not be measured by the number of politicians who sign it but by the extent to which its provisions are respected and violators are held accountable.

At the August signing ceremony, Peter Obi argued that Nigerians should punish politicians who violate the peace agreement through their votes.

Other opposition figures also expressed reservations about whether previous peace accords had achieved meaningful results beyond public declarations of commitment.

The concerns are not without historical justification.

The National Peace Committee itself has an important responsibility to monitor compliance, document violations and publicly identify political actors whose conduct contradicts their commitments.

However, the committee cannot single-handedly guarantee peaceful elections.

Effective policing, independent investigations, credible electoral institutions, impartial security agencies and the prosecution of offenders are equally essential.

Political parties must also take responsibility for the conduct of their candidates, members and supporters.

The government, particularly security agencies, must ensure that all political parties enjoy equal protection and that nobody is allowed to use violence or intimidation to suppress the political participation of others.

“Nigeria cannot continue to organise peace accord ceremonies while electoral violence remains a recurring feature of its democratic process.”

FROM PROMISES TO ACCOUNTABILITY

Nigeria’s National Peace Accord remains a valuable diplomatic and political instrument for encouraging dialogue and peaceful political competition.

However, its effectiveness as a deterrent against electoral violence remains a subject of serious concern.

The recent exchanges between political leaders and the reported attack on the OK Movement’s procession in Asaba illustrate why the commitments made at peace accord ceremonies must translate into responsible political conduct.

As the 2027 elections approach, Nigerians need more than public declarations of peace from politicians.

They need demonstrable commitment to democratic values, respect for opposing political views, protection of voters and supporters, and accountability for those who perpetrate electoral violence.

Ultimately, the credibility of the National Peace Accord will depend not on how many political leaders append their signatures to the document but on whether those who breach its provisions face identifiable consequences.

In summary, Nigeria cannot continue to organise peace accord ceremonies while electoral violence remains a recurring feature of its democratic process.

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