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Lawyers Ask Court to Sack Rivers Sole Administrator Ibas

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The Federal High Court sitting in Abuja has been asked to sack the recently appointed Sole Administrator of Rivers State, Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas, rtd.

While President Bola Tinubu was cited as the 1st defendant, the Attorney-General of the Federation, Vice Admiral Ibas, rtd, and Attorneys-General of the 36 states of the federation, were listed as 2nd to 39th defendants in the suit marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/572/2025, which was lodged before the court on Tuesday.

The suit, which was filed by an Abuja-based legal practitioner, Mr. Johnmary Jideobi, is equally praying the court to set-aside as void, “all actions and decisions [howsoever described or made] of the 3rd Defendant [Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas (Rtd)] in the name of Sole Administrator of Rivers State, same being unconstitutional, null and of no constitutional force throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria for all purposes.”

The plaintiff further prayed the court to issue a perpetual order of injunction, restraining the 1st defendant (Tinubu, either by himself, his officers, agents, privies, servants or any other person acting under his command howsoever named, “from either removing, suspending or otherwise tampering with the tenure of the Governor and Deputy-Governor of Rivers State [and indeed any other State in Nigeria].”

As well as an order of perpetual injunction, barring President Tinubu, “either by himself, his officers, agents, privies, servants or any other person acting under his command howsoever named, from appointing any Sole Administrator into any State Government House in the thirty (36) of the Federation for any purpose whatsoever.”

In the Originating Summons he filed through a consortium of lawyers led by Mr. Chimezie Enuka, the plaintiff prayed the court to determine:

“Whether in view of the combined provisions of the entirety of Sections 1, 5(2), 180, 188, 189, 305 and 306 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended and their conflated interpretation, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria [1st Defendant herein] has any constitutional authority [whatsoever] to either remove, suspend or otherwise tamper with the tenure of the duly elected Governor and Deputy Governor of Rivers State [and indeed of any other State in Nigeria] and appoint a sole Administrator [or any other substitute howsoever called or described] such as the 3rd Defendant for that State?”

Upon the determination of the question, he prayed the court to declare that upon an intimate reading and complete understanding of the entirety of section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, there is NO other circumstance contemplated by the Constitution for the removal OR interruption of the tenure of an elected Governor and Deputy Governor of a State EXCEPT the circumstances contemplated under Sections 180, 188, 189 and 306 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended.

“A declaration of this Honorable Court that in view of the entirety of Sections 1, 5(2), 180, 188, 189, 305 and 306 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria has NO constitutional authority to either remove, suspend or otherwise tamper with the tenure of a duly elected Governor and Deputy Governor of a State and appoint a sole Administrator [or any other substitute howsoever called or described] such as the 3rd Defendant herein for that State.

“A declaration of this Honourable Court that the purported suspension of the Governor and the Deputy-Governor of Rivers State of Nigeria by the 1st Defendant on Tuesday the 18th day of March, 2025 is unconstitutional, null and void and of no legal effect whatsoever.“

An order of this Honourable Court setting aside the suspension of the Governor and the Deputy-Governor of Rivers State of Nigeria by the 1st Defendant on Tuesday the 18th day of March, 2025, for being unconstitutional, null and void and of no legal effect whatsoever.“An order of this Honourable Court setting aside the nomination/appointment and swearing in of Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas (Rtd) as the Sole Administrator of Rivers State of Nigeria by the 1st Defendant.”

Likewise, “An order of this Honourable Court directing Vice Admiral Ibokette Ibas (Rtd) [the 3rd defendant herein] to vacate, forthwith, the Government House of Rivers State of Nigeria.”

In a 32-paragraphed affidavit he deposed in support of the suit, the plaintiff maintained that though President Tinubu has the constitutional power to declare a state of emergency in deserving circumstances in any part of the federation, he does not have the power to suspend elected officials like a governor who is not his appointee.“

As a Nigerian Lawyer and all through my years of practice, I have never seen the word ‘Sole Administrator’ in the amended 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

“I know that neither the 1st Defendant nor the 2nd Defendant appointed the Governor and Deputy-Governor of Rivers State of Nigeria and that no Governor or Deputy Governor in Nigeria is an appointee of the 1st and 2nd Defendants.

“I know that Nigeria practices Federalism, hinged on the separation of powers.“

I have instituted this suit in the public interest, in the defence of the Rule of Law and accentuation of the supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the integrity of the Nigerian Constitution, which is the most sacred document that holds the Nigerian State in balance and in being.“

I am genuinely worried that, in the absence of the intervention of this Court, removal of duly elected Governors and Deputy-Governors may become the pastime of the President, thereby opening the floodgate of anarchy capable of consuming this nation.

“It will be in the interest of justice for this Honourable Court to grant the prayers contained on the face of this Originating Summons,” the plaintiff averred.

Meanwhile, no date has been fixed for the matter to be heard.

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2027: Hurdles Before The Coalition, By Emeka Monye

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The 2027 presidential election in Nigeria is shaping up to be a crucial contest between the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and a potential coalition of opposition parties. Several hurdles need to be overcome for the opposition coalition to succeed.

The political class is already preparing for this quadrennial event, holding consultations, meetings, negotiations, among other contending factors.

The ruling party, The All Progressive Congress, appears to be the most beautiful bride at the moment as members of other opposition parties have been courting the party, in a gale of defections, in what many political pundits and analysts described as a political tsunami.

While the APC seems to be enjoying the foray of defections by other party members into their fold, the main opposition party, The Peoples Democractic Party, PDP, appears to have lost its steam in the run of play.

The once dominant party is plagued by a series of internal crises which many political analysts believe will be the party’s undoings.

The once largest political party in Africa and oldest in Nigeria since it was created in 1998 by some elder statesmen, is now a shadow of itself, living in past glory and trying to win its way back to national prominence.

Already, some past and present leaders of the party have been consulting, negotiating, discussing, even though they have agreed yet, all in a bit to wrestle power from the stronghold of the Bola Tinubu-Led APC at the centre.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Former Presidential Candidate of the Labour Party in the 2023 General elections, Peter Obi, former Governor of Kaduna state, Nasir El-Rufai, among other bigwigs, are believed to be in talks with one another of how to build a possible coalition to edge the ruling APC in the power game.

Although, no concrete decision has been reached by the major actors, their negotiations and their inability to reach a consensus remain critical factors that might endanger the birth of a viable coalition.

Factors like who will step down for who as the realignment begins, remains a major issue, taking into consideration their individual experiences, exposures, skills, knowledge, capacities and egos.

Except this issue is resolved in the run up to the 2027 presidential polls, it will be a mirage for them to unseat the Tinubu-Led government.

While the running party is busy strategizing ahead of the 2027 presidential polls, the other parties are still grappling with their internal crisis.

Some analysts believe that Atiku’s past experience as Vice President under the regime of Olusegun Obasanjo, might give him an edge, while others think Peter Obi’s popularity in the South could bring a geographical balance to the ticket.

For them to form a strong force against the APC, then, they must find common platform and agree on a candidate, which might be challenging given their different ideologies and interest.

Other factors which some political analysts have highlighted that may pose as a stumbling block agents the coalition is the timing. The time between and 2027 is quite a short time for the coalition to gather and make the desired impact.

This of course, is no brainer. Any merger of alliance must be arranged within a reasonable timeframe to be effective. Also, the coalition will have to convince the Nigerian voting public of its purpose and demonstrate a clear vision for the country’s future, particularly in the area of addressing the economic misfortunes of majority of the people. Another hurdle that would be staring the coalition in the face remains the issue of power rotation.

While the south believe it’s that turn to complete their second term in 2027, the north on the other hand argue that they have been short-changed in the governance structure of the country – in terms of number of years – since the return of democracy in 1999.

Out of the total 26 years, the north has ruled for 11 years, with the south 15 years. The issue remains a key factor that would affect the coalition to birth.

The coalition, must as a matter of urgency, decency decide on this unwritten agreement about rotating power between the North and the South, potentially present a southern for one term to allow the South to complete its own two terms for the office of the president.

In conclusion, the coalition, if it really wants to win power in 2027, must make a compelling case for itself, highlighting its unique strengths and vision, rather than just criticizing the incumbent.

It needs to differentiate itself and show Nigerians that it has a better alternative.

Emeka Monye Is A Journalist And Works With ARISE NEWS.

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Mauritania’s Tah succeeds Adesina as 9th AfDB President

Tah was elected to succeed Adesina after rounds of voting conducted by the AfDB Board of Governors during the Bank’s Annual Meetings held in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire.

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Mauritania’s Sidi Ould Tah has been elected as the ninth president of the African Development Bank Group (AfDB) as Nigeria’s Akinwumi Adesina prepares to bow out.

The Bank announced his election on its website on Thursday.

Adesina’s 10-year tenure will end this year and Tah is expected to assume office on September 1, 2025.

Tah was elected to succeed Adesina after rounds of voting conducted by the AfDB Board of Governors during the Bank’s Annual Meetings held in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire.

The Board comprises finance ministers and central bank governors from the Bank’s 81 member countries.

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JUST IN: Appeal Court Affirms Okphebholo as Edo Governor

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‎‎The Court of Appeal in Abuja has affirmed Monday Okphebholo as duly elected in the September 21, 2024 Edo Governorship polls, as it affirms the decision of the Tribunal which on April 2 dismissed the petition of Asue Ighodalo of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) for lacking merit. ‎‎

A three-man panel of the Appeal court, presided over by Justice Mohamed Danjuma, restated the position of the Tribunal which held that the PDP failed to provide sufficient and credible evidence to substantiate their claims of electoral malpractice, irregularities, and non-compliance with the Electoral Act.‎‎

The panel held that the PDP failed to provide sufficient and credible evidence to substantiate their claims of electoral malpractice, irregularities, and non-compliance with the Electoral Act. ‎‎

The Appellate Court agrees with the Tribunal that the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) Machines which the appellants tendered were merely ‘dumped’ as they weren’t demonstrated to prove overvoting.

‎‎This the Court held after it earlier expunged the 133 BVAS machines admitted in evidence at the Tribunal stage of the Governorship tussle. ‎‎

Ighodalo and the PDP were further faulted by the Appellate Court for failing to tender the voter register to prove overvoting.

The Court further adds that BVAS extract doesn’t constitute items with which to prove overvoting. ‎‎It says the documents tendered by the PDP at the Tribunal did not, on their own, prove overvoting, non-holding or cancellation of elections at the polling units.

‎‎To further puncture the case of the PDP, the panel says the 19 witnesses called by the appellants during the Tribunal hearing didn’t help their case.

It says the majority of them did not witness what they spoke about. Moreso, it adds they were insufficient to prove irregularities in polling stations at over 4,000 locations.

‎‎Nigeria’s electoral body, INEC, had declared Okpebholo the winner with 291,667 votes, against Asue Ighodalo of the PDP who garnered 247,274 votes.

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