In the build-up to political independence from Britain, Nigeria stood as a frontline voice in African affairs.

That role positioned the nation as a leading force on the continent — so central to African liberation and diplomacy that Nigeria was widely perceived as a potential superpower in African geopolitics.And true to those expectations, Nigeria did not falter.

The country embraced its political and economic leadership role with conviction, both before and after independence in 1960.

From the corridors of the United Nations to the liberation movements of Southern Africa, Nigeria’s imprint was unmistakable.

The nation’s support for fellow African states was comprehensive.

It was economic, political, social, cultural, and educational. During the dark years of colonial rule and apartheid, Nigeria opened its treasury and its classrooms.

It offered scholarships to citizens of Ghana, Togo, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Namibia, and others.

The Nigerian government funded the Southern African Relief Fund in 1976, contributing over $5 million — a significant sum at the time — to support liberation movements. Nigerian civil servants took a pay cut to fund the anti-apartheid struggle.

Our musicians, from Sonny Okosun to Majek Fashek, became the soundtrack of African resistance. Our passports were issued to ANC leaders denied travel documents.

We were, in every sense, “Africa’s Big Brother.”Yet, tragically, these acts of solidarity have been consigned to the dustbin of history.

Many of the countries that once leaned on Nigeria’s shoulders now appear unmoved by that legacy of goodwill.

The sacrifices we made during their years of struggle and suffering are met today with silence, or worse, hostility.South Africa offers the most painful example.

A nation that was once an apartheid enclave emerged from decades of racial oppression with Nigeria as one of its staunchest allies.

Lagos was declared an ANC operational hub. Nigerian students protested on the streets for Mandela’s release.

We boycotted the 1976 Olympics and the 1978 Commonwealth Games to isolate the apartheid regime. Nigeria lost trade, investment, and diplomatic opportunities for the sake of South Africa’s freedom.

But post-apartheid South Africa has turned a blind eye to that history. Today, Nigerians in South Africa live under the shadow of xenophobia.

They are hunted in their shops, assaulted in taxi ranks, and targeted in their homes. The attacks are not random.

They are systematic, recurring, and often justified under the obnoxious narrative that foreigners — especially Nigerians — are “taking jobs,” “running drugs,” and “fueling crime.”

That a fellow African nation would institutionalize the rejection of other Africans is not just pathetic. It is a betrayal of the Pan-African ideal.This is not new.

History is replete with patterns of anti-Nigerian and anti-foreigner violence in South Africa.

We saw it in May 2008, when over 60 people were killed. We saw it again in April 2015, when shops were looted in Durban and Johannesburg.

In September 2019, another wave left at least 12 dead, with Nigerian businesses torched on live television. And now, in 2026, the cycle continues.

Each time, the Nigerian government issues statements. Each time, we summon the South African High Commissioner.

Each time, we are promised investigations. And each time, the violence returns.

For too long, the Nigerian government has turned a blind eye and a deaf ear to the plight of its citizens abroad.

Our foreign policy, once rooted in Afrocentrism, has become reactive rather than proactive. We respond to crises instead of preventing them.

We preach “Africa as the centerpiece” of our diplomacy, but we have failed to define what that means in 2026. Does it mean silent diplomacy while our people are killed? Does it mean economic ties at the expense of human dignity?The cost of inaction is no longer diplomatic — it is existential.

Every Nigerian killed in Pretoria or Durban chips away at our national pride. Every looted shop weakens the confidence of our diaspora, whose remittances exceed $20 billion annually and sustain millions of families at home.

Every video of a Nigerian pleading for his life diminishes Nigeria’s standing as a regional power.

A nation that cannot protect its citizens abroad cannot command respect at home.

So what must Nigeria do?

” We need a rapid response unit within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission, NiDCOM, capable of legal intervention, evacuation, and litigation within 48 hours of any attack. “

First, we must abandon the era of tepid press releases. Diplomacy without consequences is appeasement.

The government must invoke Article 3 of the 2013 Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission Agreement, which commits both nations to protect each other’s citizens.

Where violations occur, there must be reciprocal measures — from visa reviews to trade sanctions.

South Africa benefits from Nigerian markets, from MTN to Shoprite. That leverage must be used.

Second, Nigeria needs a Diaspora Protection Framework with teeth.

We need a rapid response unit within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission, NiDCOM, capable of legal intervention, evacuation, and litigation within 48 hours of any attack.

Our missions must move from being ceremonial offices to active defenders of Nigerian lives and property.

Third, we must re-educate Africa about Nigeria’s role. The younger generation in South Africa, Zimbabwe, and beyond has no memory of Nigeria’s sacrifices.

Our foreign policy should include cultural diplomacy — documentaries, curriculum exchanges, and memorials that institutionalize our Pan-African contributions.

If we do not tell our story, others will erase it.

Fourth, we must look inward.

The reason many Nigerians migrate is because home has failed them. Unemployment, insecurity, and poor governance push our best brains into hostile environments.

The ultimate protection for Nigerians abroad is a Nigeria that works. If we fix power, secure our streets, and create jobs, economic migration will become a choice, not a desperate escape.This is not a call for war. It is a call for self-respect.

Nigeria gave Africa its voice. We funded liberation when it was not profitable. We welcomed refugees when it was not convenient. We must now demand that the same humanity be extended to us.

The xenophobic attacks are not just South Africa’s shame. They are Nigeria’s test.

Our founding fathers envisioned a Nigeria that would be the giant of Africa not in size alone, but in moral authority.

That authority is bleeding out on the streets of Johannesburg.

History will not judge us by the speeches we made, but by the citizens we protected.

The time for quiet diplomacy is over.

The time for lamentations has passed.Nigeria must act now — before the next video, before the next body bag, before it is too late.

• Emeka Monye Is a journalist.

Called International Workers’ Day, Labour Day, or May Day , the origin traces back to the 19th-century labour movement and one key event that shaped the development was the Haymarket Affair in Chicago, 1886.

The 2026 theme according to the International Labour Organization (ILO), is “Ensuring a Healthy Psychosocial Working Environment” – focusing on mental health, stress, and work-life balance .

Nigeria adopted nationally on May 1, 1981, after Kano State first declared it in 1980.

Industrial Revolution conditions

At that time, factory workers often worked 10-16 hour days in unsafe conditions for low pay.

As a result, Labour unions began pushing for an 8-hour workday.

The 8-hour movement

On April 21, 1856, Australian workers in Victoria did a mass stoppage for the 8-hour day .

In the US, the Federation of Organized Trades and Labour Unions declared May 1, 1886 as the day the 8-hour workday would start

May 1, 1886 strikes

Between 300,000-500,000 US workers went on strike across the country. Chicago was the centre, with about 40,000 protesters.

Haymarket Affair, May 3-4, 1886

May 3: Police fired on striking workers at McCormick Harvesting Machine Company, killing at least two

May 4: At a protest in Haymarket Square, someone threw a bomb at police. It killed 7 officers and at least 4 civilians. Eight anarchists were arrested and convicted. Four were hanged.

May 1 becomes International Workers’ Day

In 1889, the International Socialist Congress in Paris chose May 1 to commemorate Haymarket and call for annual demonstrations for the 8-hour day.

By 1904, it was made mandatory for workers’ groups to stop work on May 1.

Why May 1 spread globally

Europe

Traditional spring festival of May Day merged with labour demonstrations-

India

First celebrated in Chennai in 1923. May 1 became a national holiday to recognise workers’ rights.

It’s also Maharashtra Day & Gujarat Day-

Nigeria Adopted nationally on May 1, 1981, after Kano State first declared it in 1980

Philippines

First Labour Day was May 1, 1903, when the first workers’ union protested

Purpose

Honours workers’ contributions and pushes for fair wages, safe conditions, and the 8-hour day-

Public holiday

Not everywhere

The US & Canada celebrate Labour Day on the first Monday in September instead.

How Workers’ Day Is Celebrated in Nigeria

In Nigeria, Workers’ Day is more than a ceremonial gathering. It serves as a structured platform for engagement between labour unions and the government authorities.

Each year, workers use the occasion to highlight issues affecting their welfare, including wages, working conditions, unemployment and the rising cost of living.

Organised labour bodies such as the Nigeria Labour Congress, and the Trade Union Congress coordinate nationwide activities.

Their addresses during May Day celebrations often reflect the economic realities of the time, making the event a barometer for the state of the workforce.

Beyond formal speeches, the day reinforces the relevance of collective bargaining.

It reminds both workers and policymakers that labour rights are not static but require continuous negotiation and protection.

Image: Egbin Power Plc

The board and management of Egbin Power Plc expressed deep sorrow for the loss of a contractor following an industrial accident during underwater maintenance operations at the plant in Lagos State.

The incident, which reportedly occurred on Tuesday, April 28, 2026, led to the shutdown of operations at parts of the facility and the disconnection of the plant from the national grid.

It was learned that the contractor, a diver engaged for underwater work inside the plant’s lagoon-based pump house, died after an accident during maintenance activities.

The diver was working inside the lagoon water pump system when a pump reportedly came on unexpectedly, trapping him in the impeller and leading to his death.

Following the incident, operations in the affected section of the plant were suspended as safety protocols were activated, eventually resulting in a broader shutdown of the plant.

The management of the company confirmed the incident, expressing sadness over the demise of the contractor.

Egbin Power Plc is Nigeria’s largest electricity generation plant with an installed capacity of 1,320MW.