Opinions
Environmental Rights as Constitutional Rights: Nigeria’s Legal Evolution, by Collins Okeke
The Supreme Court’s watershed decision in Centre for Oil Pollution Watch (COPW) v. Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (2019) 5 NWLR (Pt. 1666) 518 cemented the constitutional status of environmental rights.

Introduction
The environmental crisis in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region represents one of the most severe cases of industrial pollution in human history.
Since oil’s discovery in 1958, this once-pristine delta ecosystem has endured systematic degradation through oil spills, with conservative estimates indicating between 9 and 13 million barrels of oil released into the environment.
Between 2020-2021 alone, the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency documented 822 separate oil spills, releasing 28,003 barrels of oil into sensitive ecosystems.
Nigerian courts have developed an innovative constitutional framework for environmental protection in response to this ongoing environmental catastrophe.
This jurisprudential evolution marks a significant departure from traditional common law and statutory remedies, establishing environmental rights as fundamental human rights deserving constitutional protection.
Changing environmental rights from mere policy objectives to enforceable constitutional rights represents one of the most significant developments in Nigerian constitutional law.
Constitutional Framework for Environmental Protection
The Nigerian Constitution establishes environmental protection through several interconnected provisions.
Section 20 explicitly mandates that “the State shall protect and improve the environment and safeguard the water, air and land, forest and wildlife of Nigeria.”
Whilst placed within Chapter 2 of the Constitution, this provision has gained increasing significance through judicial interpretation and legislative action.
Traditionally, Section 20’s placement within the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy rendered it non-justiciable under Section 6(6)(c) of the Constitution.
However, Nigerian courts have developed two significant exceptions to this principle of non-justiciability.
The first exception arises when the National Assembly exercises its powers under Items 60(a) and 68 of the Exclusive Legislative List by enacting laws to “promote and enforce the observance of the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles” contained in Chapter 2 of the Constitution.
When the National Assembly enacts legislation relating to Chapter 2 provisions pursuant to Items 60(a) and 68 of the Exclusive Legislative List, the courts have consistently held these provisions to be enforceable.
The second exception occurs when Chapter 2 provisions are interpreted in conjunction with justiciable provisions of the Constitution, particularly the fundamental rights outlined in Chapter 4. In such circumstances, the provisions of Chapter 2 become enforceable.
Beyond Section 20, the Constitution provides additional environmental protection through fundamental rights provisions.
Section 33(1)’s right to life and Section 34(1)’s right to human dignity have been interpreted to encompass environmental protection.
These provisions within the justiciable Chapter 4 provide direct avenues for environmental rights enforcement.
African Charter Framework
The African Charter operates through a unique dual mechanism in Nigeria, functioning as an international treaty and as domestic legislation through the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act.
The Supreme Court in Abacha v Fawehinmi (2000) 6 NWLR (Pt. 660) 228 established that whilst the African Charter is subject to the Constitution, it holds “a greater vigour and strength” than ordinary domestic statutes.
The Charter provides several environmental rights that complement constitutional protections.
Article 4 guarantees the right to life, which the African Commission has interpreted to include protection from life-threatening environmental conditions.
Article 16 establishes the right to the best attainable state of physical and mental health, whilst Article 22 recognises the right to economic, social, and cultural development.
Most directly, Article 24 guarantees the right to a general satisfactory environment favourable to development.
These Charter rights gain additional force through the Fundamental Rights Enforcement Procedure Rules 2009, which mandate expansive interpretation of both constitutional and Charter rights.
The Rules specifically provide for enforcement of Charter rights alongside constitutional rights, creating a comprehensive framework for environmental protection.
Early Jurisprudential Developments Initial judicial approaches to environmental rights claims adopted a restrictive interpretation of constitutional provisions.
Courts generally treated environmental matters as policy issues rather than justiciable rights, limiting remedies to traditional common law and statutory frameworks.
This approach reflected a narrow reading of Section 6(6)(c), treating Chapter 2 provisions, including Section 20’s environmental mandate, as purely aspirational. However, over time, this restrictive approach began to shift.
The Supreme Court established the transition from non-justiciability to enforceability of Chapter 2 rights in the landmark decision of Olafisoye v. Federal Republic of Nigeria (2005) 51 WRN 6. Olafisoye was charged with corrupt practices under Section 15(5) of Chapter 2 of the Constitution, which addresses the fundamental objective of government to abolish corruption.
Olafisoye challenged his indictment on the grounds that Section 15(5) of Chapter 2 of the Constitution was non-justiciable.
After losing at both the High Court and Court of Appeal, he made a final appeal to the Supreme Court.
Justice Niki Tobi, delivering the lead judgement, first reviewed the history of Chapter 2 rights and referenced the “raison d’être” of the Constitution’s drafters to explain the chapter’s rationale.
The Supreme Court Justice stated that Chapter 2 rights were established in the Constitution as aspirational goals with future potential for enforceability.
He explained that this was why Section 6(6)(c) provided exceptions to the non-justiciability of Chapter 2.
Justice Niki Tobi held that whilst corrupt practices established by Section 15(5) are not justiciable at face value, these provisions may become justiciable when read in conjunction with Item 60(a) of the Second Schedule to the Constitution, which empowers the National Assembly “to promote and enforce the observance of the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles contained in this Constitution.”
He stated: “The non-justiciability of Section 6(6)(c) of the Constitution is neither total nor sacrosanct as the subsection provides a leeway by the use of the words ‘except as otherwise provided by the Constitution.’
A community reading of Item 60(a) and Section 15(5) results in quite a different package, a package which no more leaves Chapter 2 a toothless dog which could only bark but cannot bite.
In my view, by the joint reading of the two provisions, Chapter 2 becomes clearly and obviously justiciable.”
The Supreme Court dismissed Olafisoye’s objection, with Justice Niki Tobi holding that the indictment fell within the exceptions permitting the National Assembly to legislate the enforcement of Chapter 2 rights.
The Olafisoye decision established the doctrine that whilst Chapter 2 (Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy) is generally non-justiciable, it is enforceable within the exceptions permitted by the Constitution.
The Gbemre Decision: A New Direction
The Federal High Court’s decision in Gbemre v Shell Petroleum Development Company Nigeria Ltd & Ors (2005) AHRLR 151 marked a fundamental transformation in Nigerian environmental rights jurisprudence.
The case concerned gas flaring activities in the Niger Delta region, with communities alleging violations of both constitutional and Charter rights.
The Court’s groundbreaking decision recognised environmental rights as fundamental human rights for the first time in Nigerian judicial history.
In a seminal declaration, the Court held that “the constitutionally guaranteed fundamental rights to life and dignity of human person provided in Sections 33(1) and 34(1) of the Constitution… inevitably includes the right to clean poison-free, pollution-free and healthy environment.”
Significantly, the Court found that gas flaring activities violated these constitutional rights, establishing that industrial activities causing environmental harm could constitute fundamental rights violations.
The decision also bridged constitutional and Charter protections, demonstrating how these frameworks could work together to protect environmental rights.
COPW: Supreme Court Confirmation
The Supreme Court’s watershed decision in Centre for Oil Pollution Watch (COPW) v. Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (2019) 5 NWLR (Pt. 1666) 518 cemented the constitutional status of environmental rights.
The case arose from an oil pipeline explosion that contaminated waterways, destroyed aquatic life, and threatened community health and livelihoods.
The Supreme Court stated: “The present action concerns an oil pipeline that burst, allegedly spilling crude oil into waterways, polluting drinking sources and destroying aquatic life, plant life, and fauna, and also endangering the health and lives of the people of the community.
In this regard, Section 33 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 provides for the right to life.
Any act or omission which threatens the health of the people of the community also threatens their lives and is in breach of the guarantee of the right to life provided by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999.”
The Court further stated: “Section 33 of the 1999 Constitution guarantees the right to life whilst Section 20 of the Constitution provides that ‘the State shall protect and improve the environment and safeguard the water, air and land, forest and wildlife of the country.’
See also: Article 24 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which provides ‘All peoples shall have the right to a general satisfactory environment favourable to their development.’
These provisions show that the Constitution, the legislature and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, to which Nigeria is a signatory, recognise the fundamental rights of the citizenry to a clean and healthy environment to sustain life.”
This judgement significantly expanded the scope of environmental rights within the context of oil pollution damage, particularly linking the right to life and the right to a clean environment.
Communities affected by environmental degradation now have standing to bring constitutional claims. Courts must consider environmental harm within the framework of fundamental rights violations.
Impact and Current State of the Law
The COPW decision effectively overruled more restrictive approaches to environmental rights, establishing several crucial principles.
First, it confirmed that environmental degradation can violate fundamental rights under both the Constitution and the African Charter.
Second, it established that environmental rights are directly enforceable through constitutional claims.
Third, it mandated a broad and purposive interpretation of environmental rights to ensure effective protection. Subsequent courts have consistently followed and built upon COPW’s constitutional framework.
Most notable are Mobil Producing (Nig) Unlimited v. Ajanaku & Anor (2021) LPELR-52566(CA) and Chief Isaac Obor – Ntito Torchi and Others v. Shell Development Company Limited and Others (Suit No. FHC/OW/CS/05/2020).
In the latter case, the most recent case, the court awarded unprecedented damages of Eight Hundred Billion Naira against Shell for environmental pollution – the largest such award in Nigerian history. This represents a decisive shift from the old constitutional orthodoxy that considered environmental rights non-justiciable to the current approach treating them as enforceable constitutional rights.
These developments have significant practical implications. Communities affected by environmental degradation now have standing to bring constitutional claims. Courts must consider environmental harm within the framework of fundamental rights violations.
The broad interpretative approach mandated by COPW and followed in subsequent cases provides flexibility in recognising various forms of environmental harm as rights violations.
These legal developments for multinational oil companies operating in Nigeria present substantial new risks and obligations.
The elevation of environmental rights to constitutional status means that oil companies now face potential liability not just under traditional environmental regulations, but also for fundamental rights violations.
This expanded liability framework has several key implications for multinationals:
First, the constitutional framework allows for significantly higher damages awards, as demonstrated by the Eight Hundred Billion Naira judgement against Shell.
Unlike statutory environmental fines, there are no preset limits on constitutional damages.
Second, the broader standing rules for constitutional claims mean that entire communities, not just directly affected individuals, can bring claims against oil companies.
Third, the constitutional nature of these rights means that companies cannot rely on mere compliance with environmental regulations as a complete defence – they must ensure their operations do not infringe on fundamental rights to life and a healthy environment.
Finally, the constitutional framework creates enhanced reputational risks for multinationals, as being found liable for human rights violations carries greater stigma than traditional environmental infractions.
▪︎Collins Okeke is an Associate Partner, Olisa Agbakoba Legal.
Opinions
Nigeria Must Prioritize Local Defense Contractors for National Security and Economic Growth
While Nigeria strives for self-reliance and national security, its defense procurement landscape remains heavily tilted in favour of foreign contractors.

BY BEM IBRAHIM GARBA
Despite the growing capacity among Indigenous defense firms, Nigeria continues to favor foreign contractors.
This pattern threatens long-term national security, economic independence, and local innovation.
While Nigeria strives for self-reliance and national security, its defense procurement landscape remains heavily tilted in favour of foreign contractors.
Despite significant strides in capacity development, manufacturing, design, and operational capability, Nigerian-owned defense companies face systemic bias and limited access to government contracts.
This preference for foreign contractors and solutions incurs costs: economically, strategically, and technologically.
If Nigeria is committed to developing a robust, sovereign, and exportable defense industry, it must start by prioritizing local contractors.
FOREIGN FIRMS STILL GET THE FIRST CALL
Today, many Nigerian companies have developed capacity.
They offer reliable, innovative, and scalable solutions, including the production of sensitive equipment/systems, tactical vehicles, protective gear, and training facilities.
Yet, when the time comes for procurement, tenders and negotiations disproportionately favour foreign companies and suppliers.
These foreign firms are not only awarded high-value contracts but are often given easier access to key decision-makers.
Local companies, by contrast, face endless social and political hurdles: excessive scrutiny, limited engagement from end-users, and a lack of pilot opportunities to prove their systems in the field.
THE COST OF MARGINALISING OUR LOCAL INDUSTRY
The consequences of this procurement imbalance are far-reaching:
Capital Flight:
Nigeria loses billions annually by supporting foreign companies instead of helping Nigerian-owned businesses.
This practice enriches foreigners economically and denies local firms the opportunity to collaborate with international partners, which could enhance technology transfer, experience, and knowledge-sharing.
Job Loss:
Neglecting local defense companies negatively impacts the Nigerian economy and leads to job losses.
Manufacturing opportunities that could employ thousands of Nigerian youth are instead given to foreign factories, resulting in the creation and maintenance of valuable jobs overseas that could have been retained in Nigeria.
Technology Dependence:
Relying on foreign suppliers undermines Nigeria’s ability to develop, control, or modify critical defence platforms.
When Nigerian companies receive support, they are encouraged to strengthen partnerships with foreign technology partners, who can provide training and opportunities for technology transfer.
This strategy is essential for helping Nigerian companies develop the necessary technology more quickly.
Export Inhibition:
Without domestic validation, Nigerian-made defense products face challenges in entering foreign markets.
Nigeria aims to promote exports across all sectors.
For exportation to be successful, our products and solutions must meet international standards.
The export of Nigerian defense products will struggle unless these items are first given a chance to succeed in Nigeria.
We need to develop our local industry, validate our products, and then actively launch them into regional and continental markets.
BRAZIL AND INDIA: CASE STUDIES IN STRATEGIC PATRONAGE
Countries such as Brazil and India have demonstrated how intentional local patronage can foster globally competitive defense industries.
In Brazil, companies like Embraer and IMBEL grew under government-backed contracts and patronage.
The Brazilian Armed Forces committed to buying local, even when products were still under development and maturing.
Today, Brazil exports military aircraft and arms globally and has become a respected defense manufacturer.
Nigerian companies require more than just praise; they need patronage. Securing contracts, creating opportunities, and engaging in long-term planning are essential for our local defense firms to thrive.
India’s ‘Make in India’ initiative transformed its defense sector by mandating local sourcing.
Companies like Bharat Forge, TATA Advanced Systems, and Larsen & Toubro received long-term government backing, which allowed them to scale and improve.
India now produces high-quality drones, tanks, and artillery systems with export potential.
The lesson is clear: Nations that support local firms boost their economies, strengthen national defense, and enhance global influence.
A CALL FOR REORIENTATION IN NIGERIA
Nigerian companies require more than just praise; they need patronage. Securing contracts, creating opportunities, and engaging in long-term planning are essential for our local defense firms to thrive.
We call on the Nigerian Armed Forces, the Ministry of Defence, the Police, and all relevant government agencies to:
Adopt a Local-First Procurement Policy: Allocate a specific percentage of all defense procurement contracts to Nigerian companies.
Award Contracts for Capability and Growth:
Support local businesses by placing genuine orders instead of merely making promises or running pilot tests.
Various procurement models can be utilized to encourage the growth of local companies while minimizing risks for buyers.
We urge the Armed Forces and relevant purchasers to explore these models in the interest of our collective growth.
Foster Strategic Partnerships with Local Leadership:
The federal government, the armed forces, the police, and all other buyers should require foreign companies to partner with Nigerian companies to secure contracts.
Similar to the laws in places like Dubai, foreign companies should not be eligible to secure defense contracts in Nigeria directly.
They must partner with Nigerian defense companies to facilitate knowledge transfer and equity sharing with Nigerian firms.
Create End-User Incentives:
Encourage military and police leaders to implement solutions made in Nigeria and provide rewards for successful adoption.
Establish a Nigerian Defence Development Fund:
The government should create a Nigerian Defence Development Fund to provide long-term capital to local firms for research and development, infrastructure, and certifications.
THE TIME IS NOW
Nigeria’s future security needs to be developed within the country. This requires us to trust our own companies and local initiatives to provide the solutions we need.
Like Brazil and India, we must be willing to support homegrown solutions and products through their early challenges, understanding that true mastery comes with experienced local companies cannot thrive on encouragement alone—they require contracts, partnerships, and a long-term belief from their own country.
We possess the talent, ambition, and drive. What we need now is opportunity.
If Nigeria aims to become a true continental power in defense and technology, the change must begin with a simple decision:
Buy Nigerian, trust Nigerian, and defend Nigerian.
• This article was written by Bem Ibrahim Garba, a defense industry professional and advocate for indigenous industrial growth in Nigeria.
Opinions
The Backlash Against Enioluwa’s Tears Shows Why Nigerian Men Are Dying in Silence , by Halima Layeni
The recent attack on 25 Year-old Nigerian influencer, Enioluwa Adeoluwa, for crying at his best friend, Priscilla’s wedding is more than an internet scandal. It is an indictment of our collective failure to raise emotionally healthy men.

A nation that once took pride in raising “strong men” is now reaping the consequences of generations of emotional suppression and it’s breaking our men.
The recent attack on 25 Year-old Nigerian influencer, Enioluwa Adeoluwa, for crying at his best friend, Priscilla’s wedding is more than an internet scandal. It is an indictment of our collective failure to raise emotionally healthy men.
Enioluwa, in a raw, beautiful, and deeply human moment, shed tears as he celebrated a life milestone with someone he loves platonically.
But instead of compassion, he was met with venom.
The internet erupted with disturbing comments from Nigerian men, the very people who should understand the weight of unspoken emotions.
“Men used to fight lions and tigers but little boys have to watch Enioluwa shed tears like a woman on her period.”
“Enioluwa is such a terrible role model for younger men.”
“When I have a male child, when he turns 10 years old I go first break five bottles for his head make he know say men mount.”
“I go wear crown of thorns make he know say life no be bed of roses.”“See simp behavior. You dey cry because woman marry? Na wa for you.”
A man who cannot cry is often a man who cannot connect, cannot heal, and cannot love fully.
“He must have been sleeping with her. Why else would a man cry that much?
”These cruel commentary is not just about Enioluwa. It is about every boy who has been told that his tears are unacceptable.
It is about every man who has been shamed for showing emotion. It is about a culture that would rather raise broken, hardened men than whole, healthy ones.
There is nothing wrong with a man crying. There is nothing wrong with a man expressing deep affection for a friend.
There is nothing wrong with a man being emotionally present in a moment of transition, joy, or loss.
What is wrong is the fact that our society punishes softness, ridicules empathy, and weaponizes masculinity.
Boys in Nigeria and many parts of the world are taught from an early age that masculinity means stoicism, dominance, and emotional detachment.
“Be a man” often means: suppress your feelings, deny your pain, and never under any circumstances show vulnerability.
Over time, this has created men who are emotionally constipated, unable to process grief, incapable of expressing love, and ill-equipped to build emotionally safe relationships.
This recent incident also brings to light another disturbing facet of toxic masculinity, the idea that men and women cannot be friends without sex.
Enioluwa was accused of being a “simp,” “emotional,” and “pathetic,” simply for valuing his platonic friendship.
Some even went as far as suggesting that he must have been sleeping with his best friend because, to them, no man could possibly show that kind of love unless there was sexual benefit involved.
This thinking is not only immature, it is harmful. It denies men the full range of human connection.
It teaches them that friendship is only valuable if it comes with physical reward. And it strips them of the beautiful, non-sexual intimacy that makes life meaningful.
The idea that a man cannot cry over the marriage of his female best friend without ridicule is a sign of deep emotional poverty.
We are grooming our sons to become emotionally unavailable men and it is showing up in our homes, our relationships, and our society.
Men who cannot express emotions also struggle to be present partners, affectionate fathers, and loyal friends.
They retreat from vulnerability, and in doing so, they retreat from the very thing that makes them human.
The emotional repression we’ve normalized is killing our men literally and figuratively. Suicide, substance abuse, domestic violence, absentee fatherhood all have roots in unresolved pain and emotional illiteracy.
A man who cannot cry is often a man who cannot connect, cannot heal, and cannot love fully.
There is nothing weak about a man who cries. There is nothing shameful about being soft and compassionate.
There is nothing unmanly about being vulnerable. In fact, it takes immense courage to feel deeply in a world that tells men to shut it down.
Healthy masculinity is not born from emotional numbness, it is nurtured through compassion, empathy, and self-awareness.We must raise men who are free to feel.
Men who understand that crying is not a sign of weakness, but a release of strength.
Boys who will grow into men who can be tender with their spouses, emotionally present for their children, supportive of their friends, and kind to themselves.
The backlash Enioluwa faced is painful, but it has started a conversation that we cannot afford to ignore.
If we truly care about our men, their mental health, their emotional well-being, their future we must rewire the way we raise them.
No more broken bottles. No more crowns of thorns.
No more silent suffering. Let us raise men who cry, who feel, who love, and who heal.
Let us raise whole men.
• Halima Layeni, Founder Men’s Mental Health Advocate / Life After Abuse Foundation, wrote this piece
Opinions
N500 Gala sparks cost-of-living debate
“How can I buy a Gala of N50 for N500?” Tolani, a final-year student at the University of Lagos said

Once a humble N50 snack in the 2000s, Gala has now evolved with a premium N500 offering — igniting a heated cost-of-living debate. N500 Gala.
Social media and public discourse reflect Nigerians’ deep attachment to Gala as a cultural icon tied to its former N50 price.
BusinessDay reports that since February, the snack has been at the center of widespread discussions after UAC Foods introduced a new variation at a retail price of N500.
“How can I buy a Gala of N50 for N500?” Tolani, a final-year student at the University of Lagos said. This same sentiment was shared by Ann, a fresh graduate from the University of Port Harcourt.
She said “It feels weird buying Gala for N500, even though it’s a bigger size.”
Many Nigerians argue they would never pay N500 for a product they still associate with its N50 legacy.
However, what many fail to recognize is that the new product is almost double the size compared to what is now called the “old Gala”.
While the former product was 65 grams, the N500 Gala was 120 grams.
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