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Environmental Rights as Constitutional Rights: Nigeria’s Legal Evolution, by Collins Okeke

The Supreme Court’s watershed decision in Centre for Oil Pollution Watch (COPW) v. Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (2019) 5 NWLR (Pt. 1666) 518 cemented the constitutional status of environmental rights.

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Introduction

The environmental crisis in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region represents one of the most severe cases of industrial pollution in human history.

Since oil’s discovery in 1958, this once-pristine delta ecosystem has endured systematic degradation through oil spills, with conservative estimates indicating between 9 and 13 million barrels of oil released into the environment.

Between 2020-2021 alone, the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency documented 822 separate oil spills, releasing 28,003 barrels of oil into sensitive ecosystems.

Nigerian courts have developed an innovative constitutional framework for environmental protection in response to this ongoing environmental catastrophe.

This jurisprudential evolution marks a significant departure from traditional common law and statutory remedies, establishing environmental rights as fundamental human rights deserving constitutional protection.

Changing environmental rights from mere policy objectives to enforceable constitutional rights represents one of the most significant developments in Nigerian constitutional law.

Constitutional Framework for Environmental Protection

The Nigerian Constitution establishes environmental protection through several interconnected provisions.

Section 20 explicitly mandates that “the State shall protect and improve the environment and safeguard the water, air and land, forest and wildlife of Nigeria.”

Whilst placed within Chapter 2 of the Constitution, this provision has gained increasing significance through judicial interpretation and legislative action.

Traditionally, Section 20’s placement within the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy rendered it non-justiciable under Section 6(6)(c) of the Constitution.

However, Nigerian courts have developed two significant exceptions to this principle of non-justiciability.

The first exception arises when the National Assembly exercises its powers under Items 60(a) and 68 of the Exclusive Legislative List by enacting laws to “promote and enforce the observance of the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles” contained in Chapter 2 of the Constitution.

When the National Assembly enacts legislation relating to Chapter 2 provisions pursuant to Items 60(a) and 68 of the Exclusive Legislative List, the courts have consistently held these provisions to be enforceable.

The second exception occurs when Chapter 2 provisions are interpreted in conjunction with justiciable provisions of the Constitution, particularly the fundamental rights outlined in Chapter 4. In such circumstances, the provisions of Chapter 2 become enforceable.

Beyond Section 20, the Constitution provides additional environmental protection through fundamental rights provisions.

Section 33(1)’s right to life and Section 34(1)’s right to human dignity have been interpreted to encompass environmental protection.

These provisions within the justiciable Chapter 4 provide direct avenues for environmental rights enforcement.

African Charter Framework

The African Charter operates through a unique dual mechanism in Nigeria, functioning as an international treaty and as domestic legislation through the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act.

The Supreme Court in Abacha v Fawehinmi (2000) 6 NWLR (Pt. 660) 228 established that whilst the African Charter is subject to the Constitution, it holds “a greater vigour and strength” than ordinary domestic statutes.

The Charter provides several environmental rights that complement constitutional protections.

Article 4 guarantees the right to life, which the African Commission has interpreted to include protection from life-threatening environmental conditions.

Article 16 establishes the right to the best attainable state of physical and mental health, whilst Article 22 recognises the right to economic, social, and cultural development.

Most directly, Article 24 guarantees the right to a general satisfactory environment favourable to development.

These Charter rights gain additional force through the Fundamental Rights Enforcement Procedure Rules 2009, which mandate expansive interpretation of both constitutional and Charter rights.

The Rules specifically provide for enforcement of Charter rights alongside constitutional rights, creating a comprehensive framework for environmental protection.

Early Jurisprudential Developments Initial judicial approaches to environmental rights claims adopted a restrictive interpretation of constitutional provisions.

Courts generally treated environmental matters as policy issues rather than justiciable rights, limiting remedies to traditional common law and statutory frameworks.

This approach reflected a narrow reading of Section 6(6)(c), treating Chapter 2 provisions, including Section 20’s environmental mandate, as purely aspirational. However, over time, this restrictive approach began to shift.

The Supreme Court established the transition from non-justiciability to enforceability of Chapter 2 rights in the landmark decision of Olafisoye v. Federal Republic of Nigeria (2005) 51 WRN 6. Olafisoye was charged with corrupt practices under Section 15(5) of Chapter 2 of the Constitution, which addresses the fundamental objective of government to abolish corruption.

Olafisoye challenged his indictment on the grounds that Section 15(5) of Chapter 2 of the Constitution was non-justiciable.

After losing at both the High Court and Court of Appeal, he made a final appeal to the Supreme Court.

Justice Niki Tobi, delivering the lead judgement, first reviewed the history of Chapter 2 rights and referenced the “raison d’être” of the Constitution’s drafters to explain the chapter’s rationale.

The Supreme Court Justice stated that Chapter 2 rights were established in the Constitution as aspirational goals with future potential for enforceability.

He explained that this was why Section 6(6)(c) provided exceptions to the non-justiciability of Chapter 2.

Justice Niki Tobi held that whilst corrupt practices established by Section 15(5) are not justiciable at face value, these provisions may become justiciable when read in conjunction with Item 60(a) of the Second Schedule to the Constitution, which empowers the National Assembly “to promote and enforce the observance of the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles contained in this Constitution.”

He stated: “The non-justiciability of Section 6(6)(c) of the Constitution is neither total nor sacrosanct as the subsection provides a leeway by the use of the words ‘except as otherwise provided by the Constitution.’

A community reading of Item 60(a) and Section 15(5) results in quite a different package, a package which no more leaves Chapter 2 a toothless dog which could only bark but cannot bite.

In my view, by the joint reading of the two provisions, Chapter 2 becomes clearly and obviously justiciable.”

The Supreme Court dismissed Olafisoye’s objection, with Justice Niki Tobi holding that the indictment fell within the exceptions permitting the National Assembly to legislate the enforcement of Chapter 2 rights.

The Olafisoye decision established the doctrine that whilst Chapter 2 (Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy) is generally non-justiciable, it is enforceable within the exceptions permitted by the Constitution.

The Gbemre Decision: A New Direction

The Federal High Court’s decision in Gbemre v Shell Petroleum Development Company Nigeria Ltd & Ors (2005) AHRLR 151 marked a fundamental transformation in Nigerian environmental rights jurisprudence.

The case concerned gas flaring activities in the Niger Delta region, with communities alleging violations of both constitutional and Charter rights.

The Court’s groundbreaking decision recognised environmental rights as fundamental human rights for the first time in Nigerian judicial history.

In a seminal declaration, the Court held that “the constitutionally guaranteed fundamental rights to life and dignity of human person provided in Sections 33(1) and 34(1) of the Constitution… inevitably includes the right to clean poison-free, pollution-free and healthy environment.”

Significantly, the Court found that gas flaring activities violated these constitutional rights, establishing that industrial activities causing environmental harm could constitute fundamental rights violations.

The decision also bridged constitutional and Charter protections, demonstrating how these frameworks could work together to protect environmental rights.

COPW: Supreme Court Confirmation

The Supreme Court’s watershed decision in Centre for Oil Pollution Watch (COPW) v. Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (2019) 5 NWLR (Pt. 1666) 518 cemented the constitutional status of environmental rights.

The case arose from an oil pipeline explosion that contaminated waterways, destroyed aquatic life, and threatened community health and livelihoods.

The Supreme Court stated: “The present action concerns an oil pipeline that burst, allegedly spilling crude oil into waterways, polluting drinking sources and destroying aquatic life, plant life, and fauna, and also endangering the health and lives of the people of the community.

In this regard, Section 33 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 provides for the right to life.

Any act or omission which threatens the health of the people of the community also threatens their lives and is in breach of the guarantee of the right to life provided by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999.”

The Court further stated: “Section 33 of the 1999 Constitution guarantees the right to life whilst Section 20 of the Constitution provides that ‘the State shall protect and improve the environment and safeguard the water, air and land, forest and wildlife of the country.’

See also: Article 24 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which provides ‘All peoples shall have the right to a general satisfactory environment favourable to their development.’

These provisions show that the Constitution, the legislature and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, to which Nigeria is a signatory, recognise the fundamental rights of the citizenry to a clean and healthy environment to sustain life.”

This judgement significantly expanded the scope of environmental rights within the context of oil pollution damage, particularly linking the right to life and the right to a clean environment.

Communities affected by environmental degradation now have standing to bring constitutional claims. Courts must consider environmental harm within the framework of fundamental rights violations.

Impact and Current State of the Law

The COPW decision effectively overruled more restrictive approaches to environmental rights, establishing several crucial principles.

First, it confirmed that environmental degradation can violate fundamental rights under both the Constitution and the African Charter.

Second, it established that environmental rights are directly enforceable through constitutional claims.

Third, it mandated a broad and purposive interpretation of environmental rights to ensure effective protection. Subsequent courts have consistently followed and built upon COPW’s constitutional framework.

Most notable are Mobil Producing (Nig) Unlimited v. Ajanaku & Anor (2021) LPELR-52566(CA) and Chief Isaac Obor – Ntito Torchi and Others v. Shell Development Company Limited and Others (Suit No. FHC/OW/CS/05/2020).

In the latter case, the most recent case, the court awarded unprecedented damages of Eight Hundred Billion Naira against Shell for environmental pollution – the largest such award in Nigerian history. This represents a decisive shift from the old constitutional orthodoxy that considered environmental rights non-justiciable to the current approach treating them as enforceable constitutional rights.

These developments have significant practical implications. Communities affected by environmental degradation now have standing to bring constitutional claims. Courts must consider environmental harm within the framework of fundamental rights violations.

The broad interpretative approach mandated by COPW and followed in subsequent cases provides flexibility in recognising various forms of environmental harm as rights violations.

These legal developments for multinational oil companies operating in Nigeria present substantial new risks and obligations.

The elevation of environmental rights to constitutional status means that oil companies now face potential liability not just under traditional environmental regulations, but also for fundamental rights violations.

This expanded liability framework has several key implications for multinationals:

First, the constitutional framework allows for significantly higher damages awards, as demonstrated by the Eight Hundred Billion Naira judgement against Shell.

Unlike statutory environmental fines, there are no preset limits on constitutional damages.

Second, the broader standing rules for constitutional claims mean that entire communities, not just directly affected individuals, can bring claims against oil companies.

Third, the constitutional nature of these rights means that companies cannot rely on mere compliance with environmental regulations as a complete defence – they must ensure their operations do not infringe on fundamental rights to life and a healthy environment.

Finally, the constitutional framework creates enhanced reputational risks for multinationals, as being found liable for human rights violations carries greater stigma than traditional environmental infractions.

▪︎Collins Okeke is an Associate Partner, Olisa Agbakoba Legal.

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Is Dangote Refinery Playing the Giraffe by Leaving Domestic Oil Supply to Marketers?

Is Nigeria gradually returning to a situation where imported petrol is competing with locally refined PMS, even as Dangote Refinery has the capacity to supply a substantial portion of domestic demand?

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[File Photo] Aliko Dangote

By Ochefa


WHEN I was younger, bedtime storytelling was one of my favourite pastimes in my family. After the evening meal, my mother would usually gather us together for this special treat.
Of all the fables she told us, one that has remained indelibly etched in my memory to this day was Why the Giraffe Eats from Tall Trees.
The story portrayed the giraffe as a humble and considerate animal. Because of its long neck, it could reach the leaves and branches of tall trees, leaving the grasses and shorter vegetation for sheep and goats whose shorter necks could not reach the higher branches.


So, what is the point?

Could the Dangote Petroleum Refinery be playing the giraffe in Nigeria’s downstream petroleum market—leaving marketers to supply the domestic market with imported Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), while it increasingly exports its refined products to other countries?
Recent developments in the petroleum industry appear to lend some credence to this question.
The management of Dangote Petroleum Refinery recently attributed its increased export volumes to rising imports of petrol into Nigeria.

The refinery said the decision to focus more on exports should not be interpreted as a lack of commitment to the Nigerian market.
“Rather, exports are a prudent operational response to the realities of a market where imported products continue to compete with locally refined fuel despite the availability of sufficient domestic refining capacity,” the refinery said.


Figures from the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) appear to support the changing supply pattern.
According to the regulator’s recent report, Dangote Refinery’s supply of PMS to the domestic market fell by 21 per cent to 25.8 million litres per day in July, from 32.5 million litres per day in June.


The monthly factsheet showed that the refinery produced about 25.9 million litres of PMS per day in July and exported 3.4 million litres per day.

The July domestic supply figure was reportedly the lowest recorded by the refinery in 2026.
At the same time, petrol imports rose by nine per cent to 19.7 million litres per day, from 18.1 million litres per day in June.
These figures raise an important question: Is Nigeria gradually returning to a situation where imported petrol is competing with locally refined PMS, even as Dangote Refinery has the capacity to supply a substantial portion of domestic demand?
Dangote Refinery has expressed concern about the continued issuance of import licences for petroleum products. It maintains that it has demonstrated sufficient capacity to meet, and even exceed, Nigeria’s domestic PMS requirements.


The refinery said that although it remains committed to Nigeria’s energy security and uninterrupted fuel availability, the continued inflow of imported PMS has created uncertainty around domestic demand forecasting and inventory management.


According to the refinery, it has consistently maintained sufficient inventories and reserved product volumes to guarantee steady supplies to the Nigerian market since commencing operations.


That commitment, it said, has involved substantial investment in storage facilities, logistics and working capital to protect consumers from supply disruptions and market volatility.


Why Dangote Says It Is Exporting More


The refinery’s major concern appears to be the lack of transparency over the volume of imported petrol expected to enter the country.
Without reliable information on future import volumes, it argues, it becomes increasingly difficult to plan production and manage inventories efficiently.


Maintaining large stocks of petrol that may not be absorbed by the domestic market also comes with significant storage and financing costs.


“As a responsible energy provider, we have always endeavoured to keep adequate reserves to satisfy local demand at all times,” the refinery said.
However, where significant quantities of imported PMS continue to enter the market through licences issued by the regulator, and there is limited visibility on future import volumes, the refinery says it becomes commercially unsustainable to hold excess inventory indefinitely.


Its argument is straightforward: when locally refined products cannot be absorbed by the domestic market because of competing imports, the surplus must be moved elsewhere.
Hence, the increased exports.


The refinery insists that this does not mean Nigeria’s domestic market cannot be supplied. Rather, it says the exports are a response to market uncertainty created by competing imports.


It also warned that if supply shortages eventually occur because of market distortions caused by excessive importation and the resulting difficulty in forecasting domestic demand, such shortages should not automatically be blamed on Dangote Refinery.


The company maintains that it remains ready and capable of meeting and exceeding Nigeria’s petroleum product requirements.


Dangote’s Transparency Concern Is Genuine—Expert


Oil and gas expert Dr Ayodele Oni believes Dangote Refinery’s concern over transparency is legitimate.
According to him, Section 317 of the Petroleum Industry Act contemplates the issuance of import licences where there is a demonstrable shortfall.
But, he argued, a shortfall determination that is not published cannot easily be scrutinised.
“NMDPRA should publish, ex ante, the aggregate volume of import authorisations it has approved for each quarter and the shortfall assessment behind them. That is a modest reform and it costs the regulator nothing,” he said.
However, Oni cautioned against simply shutting out imports.
He pointed to the performance of the country’s government-owned refineries, noting that NNPC’s three refineries produced nothing in July.


“A single plant supplying nearly the entire national market, with imports switched off, is a structural risk, not an achievement,” he argued.


He added that the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act exists to address such situations, stressing that regulatory policy should not be based on the assumption that a single refinery will never experience an unplanned outage.

According to him, the solution is structural: a transparent shortfall methodology, published quarterly import quotas, and the development of genuine second and third domestic refineries.
“Everything else is noise,” he said.

” The government cannot simultaneously encourage domestic refining, allow substantial imports without clearly communicating the basis for them, and expect refiners to maintain costly inventories indefinitely.”


Imports or Domestic Refining?


Another industry analyst and former Managing Director of 11PLC, formerly Mobil, Otunba Adetunji Oyebanji, believes Dangote Refinery is within its rights to export.
He argued that the government must retain the flexibility to import petroleum products whenever there is a potential shortfall.
“This is an internationally traded product,” he said, pointing out that even countries with substantial refining capacity, including the United States, continue to import petroleum products.
His argument is that economics, rather than sentiment, ultimately determines where petroleum products are bought and sold.
“We heard that Dangote exported to America. Don’t they have refineries?” he asked rhetorically.
For him, pricing remains a major determinant.
And therein lies the real issue.
The giraffe in my mother’s story was not merely tall; it was considerate. It reached the leaves that other animals could not reach and left the lower vegetation for them.
But Nigeria’s petroleum market is not a fable. Dangote Refinery is a commercial enterprise, not a charitable institution. It must make economically rational decisions, just as marketers and importers do.


The bigger question, therefore, is not whether Dangote Refinery should export.
It is whether Nigeria’s petroleum regulatory framework is creating the right conditions for locally refined products to compete fairly, while ensuring that consumers are protected and the country is not exposed to the risks of relying too heavily on a single refinery.


If Dangote has the capacity to meet domestic demand but finds it more commercially sensible to export because imported PMS is competing with its products at home, then the problem may be bigger than Dangote.
It may point to a regulatory and market-structure problem that requires urgent attention.
The government cannot simultaneously encourage domestic refining, allow substantial imports without clearly communicating the basis for them, and expect refiners to maintain costly inventories indefinitely.


There must be transparency.
There must also be competition.
And, most importantly, Nigeria needs more functioning refineries capable of supplying the domestic market.


Perhaps, then, the lesson from the giraffe is not that Dangote should leave the “grass” to the marketers.
It is that the rules of the forest must be clear enough for every animal to know where it stands.

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BREAKING: Lagos Govt Declares Today, Thursday Work-Free to Mark 2026 Ìṣẹ̀ṣe Day

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The Lagos State Government has declared Thursday, August 20, 2026, a work-free day for public servants, political appointees and others to mark this year’s Ìṣẹ̀ṣe Day celebration.

The announcement was made by the Special Adviser to the Governor on Tourism, Arts and Culture, Idris Aregbe, in a statement on Wednesday. He described Ìṣẹ̀ṣe as “not a relic” but “a living expression of our traditions and a celebration of Yoruba spirituality as an important part of Nigeria’s cultural and religious landscape.”

Authorities expect the event to draw more than three million residents and traditional worshippers in what is billed as one of the largest gatherings of its kind. Celebrations will feature prayers, rituals, processions, drumming and cultural displays dedicated to the Òrìṣà, coordinated by the Association of African Traditional Religion Nigeria and Overseas.

Ìṣẹ̀ṣe Day has been observed as a work-free day in Lagos since 2023, following a request by the Lagos State Council of Obas and Chiefs. Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu has maintained the practice annually as part of the administration’s commitment to indigenous values and religious inclusiveness under the THEMES+ Agenda.

Normal government activities are expected to resume on Friday, August 21. Residents have been urged to celebrate peacefully and respectfully.

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Remi Tinubu and the Road to the President’s Re-election, By Dr Dayo Israel

Over the past three years, the Renewed Hope Initiative associated with the First Lady has become a significant platform for interventions touching women’s empowerment, education, health, humanitarian support and social welfare.

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Cover image: First Lady Senator Oluremi Tinubu

Every political journey has its visible protagonists.

History of political spouses

There is the candidate, the campaign, the crowds, the rallies and, ultimately, the votes. But behind many historic political journeys are people whose contributions are less easily captured in campaign posters or ballot papers.

Among them are the spouses who choose, despite the pressures of public life, to stand beside their partners when the road becomes difficult. It is an often underestimated role.

The Constitution may define the powers of a President, but it does not define the emotional architecture that sustains a person carrying the weight of a nation.

It does not describe the person who listens when the cameras are switched off, who understands the pressure behind the public smile, who watches a spouse become the subject of national controversy, or who must decide whether to retreat into private life or step forward into the political storm.

Around the world, First Ladies and First Spouses have answered that question differently. Michelle Obama became one of the most compelling modern examples of a First Lady who embraced public life as a platform for service.

She developed causes and initiatives of her own, travelled extensively, spoke directly to citizens and became a powerful communicator of the Obama administration’s broader values, while remaining an important partner to Barack Obama through the demands of his presidency and political career.

Her model demonstrated that a First Lady need not be a ceremonial appendage to the President; she can become a force multiplier, using access and visibility to strengthen causes, communities and the broader social mission surrounding an administration.

But the history of political spouses also reminds us that there is no single template for standing beside a political leader.

Melania Trump offered a strikingly different model during Donald Trump’s 2024 return to the presidential campaign.

She was largely absent from the campaign trail, appearing selectively rather than becoming a constant presence at rallies and political events.

Her public role was shaped by a preference for privacy and selectivity, and although she eventually made appearances in support of her husband, including a surprise appearance at Madison Square Garden shortly before the election, she largely remained away from the daily theatre of the campaign. Reports also indicated that her influence did not disappear simply because her public appearances were limited; she remained a private sounding board for her husband.

Her example is important because it demonstrates that there are different ways of being a political spouse.

Public political conversation

One may support privately, advise quietly and appear selectively, or one may choose the more demanding route of visibility, travelling, speaking, mobilising, meeting people and allowing one’s own reputation to become part of the public political conversation.

Senator Oluremi Tinubu has unmistakably chosen the latter.To describe her simply as the wife of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu would be to miss much of the story.

Before she became Nigeria’s First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu had already lived a substantial public life of her own. She served in the Senate, participated in Nigeria’s political life and developed her own convictions and public identity.

The presidency expanded her platform, but it did not create her. The more interesting question is what she has chosen to do with that platform, and over the last several months the answer has become increasingly visible.

She has travelled across the country, engaged women and communities, spoken to young people, participated in political and social initiatives and increasingly placed herself in the difficult space where national leadership, grassroots mobilisation and public communication intersect. She has chosen not to remain at the edge of the political conversation, but to enter it.

That choice comes with a cost. Public visibility creates exposure, and exposure creates vulnerability. In the age of instant headlines, social media clips and political polarisation, the distance between what a public figure says and what the public believes she said can sometimes be measured in seconds.

Senator Tinubu has had her share of this experience.

She has been criticised, scrutinised and, on occasions, had her words interpreted through partisan lenses or separated from the context in which they were delivered.

Controversy and Clarification

Some of her remarks have generated controversy and required explanation or clarification.

But perhaps the more revealing part of the story is not that she has escaped controversy; she plainly has not. It is that controversy has not driven her out of the arena.

She has continued to show up. That matters because courage in public life is not the absence of criticism. It is the ability to continue fulfilling one’s responsibilities when criticism arrives.

It is easy to stand beside power when the crowd is applauding; it requires a different kind of conviction to remain visible when applause becomes argument.

This is where Senator Oluremi Tinubu’s story becomes more than a story about political loyalty. It becomes a story about partnership, public service and the practical use of influence.

Renewed Hope Initiative

Over the past three years, the Renewed Hope Initiative associated with the First Lady has become a significant platform for interventions touching women’s empowerment, education, health, humanitarian support and social welfare.

A review published earlier this year reported that the initiative had mobilised and disbursed more than ₦100 billion over its first three years through direct interventions, donations and multi-year commitments.

The number is significant, but numbers alone do not tell the human story. The more important question is what influence enables other people to do.

A speech may inspire someone for an afternoon; a resource can enable that person to do something tomorrow.

That is why some of Senator Tinubu’s recent interventions deserve to be considered through the lens of capacity rather than simply generosity.

Provision of vehicles to APC women leaders

In June 2026, for instance, she announced the provision of vehicles to APC women leaders in Abia, Anambra, Bauchi, Osun and Oyo, particularly women working in states where the APC does not control the governorship.

The significance goes beyond the vehicles themselves. Grassroots politics, like grassroots development, requires infrastructure.

A woman leader cannot reach communities she cannot travel to.

A political structure can possess passion, commitment and people, but without the tools to activate that commitment, enthusiasm can eventually become exhaustion. Mobility creates access, access creates connection, connection creates organisation, and organisation creates participation.

What appears on the surface to be a simple donation can therefore become an investment in the ability of people to do the work they have been asked to do.

APC National Youth Wing

That same logic is visible in the recent intervention that is particularly close to me: the presentation of nine buses to the APC National Youth Wing.

I received those buses on Friday, and therefore I do not speak about them merely as an observer reading a press statement.

I saw what the intervention means to a youth structure that has carried enormous responsibilities while often contending with logistical limitations and the weariness that comes when young people are expected to carry national responsibilities without adequate institutional support. Nine buses do not solve every problem, but they solve one important problem: movement.

They give young leaders greater capacity to travel into communities, support programmes across states, connect with young Nigerians beyond the familiar centres of political activity and take national engagement closer to the grassroots. In that sense, the buses are more than vehicles.

They are organisational infrastructure. They carry people, but they also carry ideas, programmes, conversations and possibilities.The same philosophy extends beyond the immediate political environment.

INSPIRE, the Inclusive Network for Supporting Progressive Leadership

In May, Senator Tinubu launched INSPIRE, the Inclusive Network for Supporting Progressive Leadership, Innovation, Reform and Equity for Women, aimed at strengthening women’s leadership, inclusion and professional advancement within Nigeria’s Federal Civil Service.

That intervention is important because it illustrates another dimension of her public role: influence is not necessarily most valuable when it is used to make oneself more prominent; it is most valuable when it makes other people more capable.

The legacy of a First Lady should therefore not be measured only by rallies attended or political structures mobilised.

It can also be measured by the women whose confidence grows, the young people who become more engaged, the institutions that become better equipped and the citizens who discover that their participation matters.

And perhaps that is the most interesting measure of Senator Oluremi Tinubu’s influence: not simply what she does herself, but what her example causes other people to do.

Mummy’s Men (and Women) Movement

This is where the emergence of the Mummy’s Men (and Women) Movement becomes particularly intriguing.

The idea began with a simple question: if Mummy is doing her part, what should her followers be doing? It is a question that captures something larger than the creation of another political support group. It speaks to the multiplier effect of example.

One person acts, another observes, inspiration follows, and inspiration eventually becomes organisation and participation.

If Mummy is walking the road, there should be followers and fans willing to walk it with her too.

That is the most compelling way to understand Mummy’s Men Movement. It is not simply about praising the First Lady. It is about responding to example with action.

If a woman can travel across the country, invest her time, strengthen structures, support women, empower young people and continue to participate despite the inevitable criticism that accompanies public life, then perhaps the appropriate response from men who admire that example is not merely applause but contribution.

Admiration watches; influence moves

And perhaps Senator Oluremi Tinubu’s most enduring contribution at this stage of her public journey may eventually be found not only in the things she personally accomplished, but in the number of people she inspired to decide that they too should carry some weight on the road.It is important, however, not to reduce her story to loyalty to her husband.

That would diminish both the woman and the office she occupies. Senator Tinubu is entitled to be understood as a public figure in her own right, with her own political history, interests, convictions and record of service. Nor should the contrast with Melania Trump be interpreted as a judgement about which model is superior.

Melania exercised her agency through a largely private and selective role, maintaining influence without embracing the daily visibility of the campaign trail. Senator Oluremi Tinubu has exercised hers differently.

She has chosen to be visible, to travel, to engage, to mobilise and to place her reputation into the public arena. Both approaches demonstrate that there is no single way for a political spouse to support a partner.

What makes Senator Tinubu’s choice distinctive is the scale of her public participation and her willingness to remain present even when that visibility exposes her to criticism.That willingness deserves to be understood in its proper context.

The road to an election will ultimately be measured in votes, and those votes belong to Nigerians. But political journeys are made long before Election Day.

Standing beside a political leader does not mean declaring that he is beyond criticism, nor does it require a spouse to surrender her individuality. Political support and democratic accountability can exist together.

A healthy democracy requires scrutiny, disagreement and the freedom to question those in power. But within that democratic space, a spouse can still decide that she will stand with her husband, contribute to the work around him and use the access that comes with her position to strengthen people and institutions.

The President carries the constitutional burden of governing the country; the First Lady does not share that constitutional mandate. Yet she can help strengthen the social, humanitarian, political and human ecosystem around the presidency.

That is a legitimate form of public service.Perhaps this is what makes the present chapter of Senator Oluremi Tinubu’s public life so compelling.

She has accepted the paradox of being a First Lady: she occupies an office that is not constitutionally defined in the same way as elected political offices, yet she possesses a platform powerful enough to shape public conversation; she does not sit in the President’s chair, yet she can strengthen the people and structures around him; she is not the principal actor in the electoral contest, yet her visibility can affect the political atmosphere in which that contest takes place. She has chosen to embrace rather than avoid that paradox. And with that choice has come scrutiny.

It has brought applause in some places and criticism in others, moments of celebration and moments of controversy. But there is something dignified about the decision to remain present when disappearing would be easier.

The public sees the President at the podium, the campaign, the crowds and the speeches.

What it does not see is the invisible architecture of political life: the private conversations, the counsel, the emotional support, the family pressures and the people who decide, in their own way, whether to carry some part of the burden.

Senator Oluremi Tinubu has chosen to carry some of it in public.

The road to an election will ultimately be measured in votes, and those votes belong to Nigerians. But political journeys are made long before Election Day.

They are made in conversations across states, in meetings with women, in youth engagements, in community visits, in the strengthening of grassroots structures and in the countless acts of support that make participation possible.

They are made when a woman leader receives the means to reach communities that were previously difficult to access; when a young organiser is given the mobility to travel; when a civil servant sees a pathway to leadership; and when men who have watched the First Lady’s example decide that they too should become participants rather than spectators.

That, perhaps, is the deeper story behind Remi Tinubu and the road to the President’s re-election. It is not simply the story of a woman accompanying her husband on a political journey.

It is the story of a woman who has increasingly chosen to make that journey visible, to turn influence into practical support and to inspire others to contribute their own weight to the road.

She has not been a woman without critics, nor has she been a woman who has never been misunderstood.

She has been tested by the peculiar pressures of public life, yet she has continued to show up.History will eventually judge the Tinubu presidency by its policies, outcomes, successes, failures and the lived experiences of Nigerians. The electorate will make its decision in accordance with its convictions.

That is the proper order of democracy. But alongside that history, there will also be the quieter story of those who walked the road with the principal actor, strengthened the people around him and chose not to retreat when the journey became difficult.

Senator Oluremi Tinubu has chosen to walk.

And perhaps that is what courage sometimes looks like: not the absence of noise, not the certainty that everyone will understand you, not a life without criticism, but the quiet determination to keep moving when the road becomes difficult.

If Mummy is walking the road, perhaps the most fitting response from those inspired by her is not simply to watch.It is to walk too.

Dayo Israel is the National Youth Leader of the APC and the Convenor of the Mummy’s Men Movement, and he writes from Abuja.

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