Business
N6.9bn procurement fraud: Federal Government arraigns Emefiele, allies Thursday
The Federal Government will on Thursday arraign the suspended Central Bank of Nigeria Governor, Godwin Emefiele and his associates for N6.9 billion procurement fraud at the Federal Capital Territory High Court, Maitama, Abuja.
The case is for arraignment and mention.
Emefiele will be arraigned alongside a female CBN employee, Sa’adatu Yaro and her company, April1616 Investment Limited on 20 charges of procurement fraud, conspiracy and conferring corrupt advantages on his associates.
Emefiele, who had been in detention since he was suspended from office on June 9 by President Bola Tinubu, was accused of conferring corrupt advantages on Yaro, a director in April 1616 Investment Ltd.
The offence is contrary to section 19 of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act 2000.
If convicted, Emefiele may be sentenced to five years imprisonment without an option of a fine.
The section read, “Any public officer who uses his office or position to gratify or confer any corrupt or unfair advantage upon himself or any relation or associate of the public officer or any other public officer shall be guilty of an offence and shall on conviction be liable to imprisonment for five years without an option of fine.’’
In the charges signed by the Director of Public Prosecutions, Federal Ministry of Justice, Mohammed Abubakar; Deputy Director, Public Prosecution, Mrs N Jones-Nebo and eight other ministry officials, the three accused persons were alleged to have bought a fleet of over 98 exotic vehicles and armoured buses valued at about N6.9bn.
Some of the vehicles bought between 2018 and 2020 included 84 Toyota Hilux vehicles, 10 armoured Mercedes Benz buses, three Toyota Landcruisers and one Toyota Avalon car.
Corrupt advantage
Count one read, “That you, Godwin Ifeanyi Emefiele, male, adult, sometime in 2018 within the jurisdiction of this honourable court did use your position as Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria to confer a corrupt advantage on Sa’adatu Ramallan Yaro, a staff member of the Central Bank of Nigeria by awarding a contract for the supply of 37 (Nos.) Toyota Hilux Vehicles at the cost of N854,700,000 only to April 1616 Investment Ltd, a company in which she is a director and thereby committed an offence.
“Statement of the offence: Conferring corrupt advantage contrary to section 19 of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act 2000.’’
The Federal Government further accused Emefiele of conspiracy to confer corrupt advantage on the second defendant contrary to sections 26 (c) and 19 of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act 2000 and punishable under Section 19 of the same Act.
“That you, Godwin Ifeanyi Emefiele, male, adult, Sa’adatu Ramallan Yaro, female, adult, and April 1616 Investment Ltd, sometime in 2019 within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court did conspire amongst yourselves to use the office of Mr. Godwin Ifeanyi Emefiele as Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria to confer a corrupt advantage on Sa’adatu Ramallan Yaro, a staff of the Central Bank of Nigeria by awarding a contract for the supply of 1 (No.) Toyota Landcruiser V8 at the cost of N73,800,000 only to April 1616 Investment Ltd., ‘’ the charge stated.
Emefiele was said to have also conferred a corrupt advantage on Yaro by awarding a contract for the supply of one Toyota Avalon at the cost of N99.9m to her company, April1616 Investment Ltd., in 2019.
The suspended governor was also accused of awarding a contract for the supply of another Toyota Landcruiser V8 for N77.050m to the third defendant in 2018.
Emefiele’s associate
The ex-CBN governor was said to have conspired with Yaro to confer corrupt advantages on the CBN staffer by awarding to her a contract for the supply of two Toyota Hilux Shell specification vehicles at the cost of N44.2m sometime in 2020.
Emefiele was further alleged to have awarded another contract to Yaro and her firm for the purchase of one Toyota Landcruiser VXR valued at N96m in 2020.
Yaro was similarly accused of fraudulent acquisition of property for getting a contract from the CBN for the supply of 47 Toyota Hilux vehicles at the cost of N1,085, 700,000 and thereby committed a punishable offence.
Count 10 read, “That you, Sa’adatu Rammala Yaro, female, adult, sometime in 2018 within the jurisdiction of this honourable court while being employed at the CBN knowingly held directly a private interest as director in April1616 Investment Ltd., in a contract awarded to the said company, for the supply of 47 Toyota Hilux vehicles at the cost of N1,085, 700,000 and thereby committed an offence.’’
Count 11, “That you, Sa’adatu Rammala Yaro, female, adult, sometime in 2018 within the jurisdiction of this honourable court while being employed at the CBN knowingly held directly a private interest as director in April1616 Investment Ltd., in a contract awarded to the said company, emanating from the CBN where you are employed, for the supply of 10 Mercedes Benz armoured buses at the cost of N2,222, 500,00 and thereby committed an offence.’’
Witnesses against Emefiele
Listed as witnesses against the defendants were the CBN Director of Procurement, Stanley Alvan; CBN Head of Procurement, Mike Agboro, Tahir Jafar, David Usman and “any other witnesses to be supplied later in the additional proof of evidence.’’
Meanwhile, a Federal High Court in Lagos has fixed the ruling on the application to withdraw the illegal possession of firearms charges against Emefiele for Thursday.
Justice Nicholas Oweibo fixed the date after listening to the arguments of the DPP, Abubakar and Emefiele’s counsel, Joseph Daudu SAN.
At the last adjourned date, the matter was slated for a hearing of pending applications seeking to stay the execution of the bail and application compelling the complainant to obey the court orders.
But when the matter came up on Tuesday, the DPP made an oral application to the court to withdraw the charges against Emefiele.
He stated that the application was informed by emerging facts and circumstances that required further investigations and urged the court to grant the application.
Abubakar said the application was pursuant to sections 174 (1) (c) (2) and 108 (2) (4).
But the defence counsel disagreed with the prosecution’s oral application, arguing that because the government was in disobedience of the court’s order granting Emefiele bail, its application should not be taken.
He said, “There is no application before the court, there is no doubt and I am not disputing the facts that the state can withdraw any charge before the court against any person.”
Daudu further said that in the past the argument was that there was no Attorney General of the Federation who could handle the case.
He cited section 174 (3) of the Constitution that the AGF has power that can be devolved to any of its officials.
The senior lawyer stated, “We have an application that the AGF has flouted the court order which says the respondent/ defendant should be remanded at the Nigeria Correctional Service but they are not obeying the order.
“The court granted order of substituted service to be published in three national dailies and after they brought an application of stay of execution of the bail and we say unless they obey, that order section 174 (1) can only be by nolle prosequi (I do not want to prosecute).
“It must be in writing, I have never heard of the withdrawal of a case without a nolle prosequi; for the interest of justice we need to prevent abuse of legal processes.’’
“Every application they brought against any citizen of this country under section 174 is nolle prosequi; the government cannot come before the court orally for that. It’s to be by nolle prosequi. At this point in time, there is no application before the court.
“I urge the court to reject the application and order the learned DPP to go on with today’s business,” he maintained.
While responding to the defence argument, Abubakar submitted that nolle prosequi was different from withdrawal and cited section 108 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015.
The judge had on July 25 admitted Emefiele to N20m bail on two-count charge of illegal possession of firearms and ammunition and ordered his remand at the Ikoyi Correctional Centre, pending when he is able to perfect his bail conditions.
But the Department of State Security operatives rearrested the embattled bank chief after fighting off NCoS officials on the court’s premises.
Business
BREAKING: First Abu Dhabi Bank to establish branch in Nigeria
First Abu Dhabi Bank (FAB) is the UAE’s largest bank, formed in 2017 by the merger of First Gulf Bank and National Bank of Abu Dhabi.
•Photo: Nigeria’s Minister of State for Finance, Dr Doris Uzoka- Anite with the executives of First Abu Dhabi Bank (FAB)
First Abu Dhabi Bank is prepared to establish a branch in Nigeria.
This was the outcome of a strategic discussion between Nigeria’s Minister of State for Finance, Dr Doris Uzoka- Anite with the executives of First Abu Dhabi Bank (FAB) on enhanced financial collaboration ahead of the Bank’s plans to establish a branch in Nigeria.
“This engagement reflects growing confidence in Nigeria’s reforms and our commitment to attracting credible global capital to support growth and development,” said the minister on her X.
Uzoka- Anite emphasised that the engagement focused on opportunities for strengthened financial intermediation, increased capital flows, and expanded banking services to support Nigeria’s economic reforms and development priorities.
Uzoka-Anite reaffirmed Nigeria’s commitment to creating an enabling environment for global investors, noting that the planned entry of FAB reflects growing international confidence in Nigeria’s reforms and improving investment climate.
A background check on the Bank showed that First Abu Dhabi Bank (FAB) is the UAE’s largest bank, formed in 2017 by the merger of First Gulf Bank and National Bank of Abu Dhabi.
Headquartered in Abu Dhabi, it offers corporate, investment, and personal banking services across 20+ markets. FAB is recognized as one of the world’s safest institutions.
Aiming to be the best Arab bank for the Arab world, it recently reported a 22% increase in net profit for Q4 2024, driven by strong business volumes.
Business
Nigeria’s economy may be back from the brink — The Economist
Improvements in macroeconomic stability are restoring investor confidence.
• President Bola Tinubu
A spate of painful reforms is beginning to show results.
When nigeria returned to civilian rule in 1999, Olusegun Obasanjo, the elected president, set out to clean up the economy after years of mismanagement by military governments.
Initially dismissed by critics, by the end of his second term Mr Obasanjo’s liberal policies had tamed inflation, spurred investment and raised annual gdp growth to around 7 percent.
It didn’t last. Over the past decade gdp per person has fallen.
Yet evidence is now mounting that another stretch of “golden years”, as one analyst calls the period following Mr Obasanjo’s liberalisation, may be on the cards.
In the past two and a half years Bola Tinubu, who in Mr Obasanjo’s day was the governor of Lagos and was elected president in 2023, has been enacting his own set of structural reforms.
As he gears up to run for a second term in 2027, they may be starting to pay off.
It is difficult to overstate the mess Mr Tinubu inherited.
When he took office in 2023, the country’s central bank had $7 billion (equivalent to 1.4% of gdp at the time) in obligations it could not meet, prompting international investors to flee en masse.
The bank’s credibility had been dented by a recklessly loose monetary policy, its mismanagement of dwindling foreign-exchange reserves and efforts to maintain an unsustainable tiered exchange-rate system.
Poverty has risen. But it looks as though Mr Tinubu’s bitter medicine is helping.
In 2022 alone the cash-strapped government spent some $10 billion, equivalent to 2.2% of gdp, on a ruinous fuel subsidy.
To fix things, Mr Tinubu’s government got on with a package of drastic structural reforms. It abolished the fuel subsidy and abandoned that multi-tiered system of dollar-pegged exchange rates, largely allowing the naira to float.
The Central Bank aggressively tightened monetary policy to curb the resulting bout of inflation.
The government also moved to improve security in the Niger Delta and offered a range of tax incentives to investors to boost dwindling oil production.
Nearly three years on, Nigeria’s 230 million people, especially the poor and the middle class, are still reeling from increases in fuel and food prices.
Poverty has risen. But it looks as though Mr Tinubu’s bitter medicine is helping.
The annual inflation rate, which hit a nearly 30-year high of 34.8% in December 2024, fell to 15.2% in December 2025.
Growth is returning.
The IMF expects the economy to expand by 4.4% in 2026.
Following two steep devaluations in 2023, the naira has stabilised (see chart).
The Central Bank’s foreign-exchange reserves have risen to $46 billion, their highest level in seven years.
Improvements in macroeconomic stability are restoring investor confidence.
On January 22nd Shell, a British company, said it hopes in 2027 to finalise plans, with partners, to develop a $20 billion offshore oilfield that has been sitting untapped for over 20 years.
Exxon Mobil, an American firm, has committed $1.5 billion to deep water development until 2027.
Local business leaders are more upbeat, too.
Oil-and-gas production is rising, much of it driven by local firms plugging leaks and improving output in onshore projects in the Niger Delta, which has become safer thanks to Mr Tinubu’s focus on security there.
All this should give the government some fiscal breathing room, particularly as the cheaper naira begins to raise the competitiveness of Nigeria’s non-oil exports such as cocoa and cashew nuts.
Recent reforms to taxation and tax collection, Mr Tinubu’s latest project, should help improve revenues further in the coming years.
Falling inflation should eventually begin to ease the cost-of-living pain.
However, even optimists have plenty of reasons to be cautious.
Savings from the fuel subsidy have largely been spent on servicing the public debt, which is still rising as the government continues to borrow against future sales of oil to fund its deficit.
Currently, some 60% of revenues are consumed by debt service.
On January 20th Nigeria’s finance minister said the government hoped to borrow less this year, but current budget projections suggest that is not realistic.
“The government is broke.
There’s nothing to invest in the future, that’s the truth,” says Esili Eigbe of Escap, a Nigerian consultancy.
Unless the government cuts civil-service salaries, another big chunk of spending, or is able to restructure loans to make them cheaper, the extra revenue from recent tax reforms looks unlikely to be available for improving infrastructure or to pay for public health care and education.
“They’ve brought the deficit down, but they don’t seem to show any greater ability to get capital projects out of the door,“ says David Cowan, an economist at Citi, an American bank.
All this means that it will take a long time for ordinary Nigerians, who until now have mostly borne the pain of Mr Tinubu’s reforms, to feel any benefit.
Buying food has been a particular struggle, not just for the 42% of Nigerians who live on less than $3 a day, the World Bank’s definition of extreme poverty, but also for the urban middle class.
The price of a kilo of rice has nearly quadrupled since May 2023, while wages have barely budged.
Even though inflation is now falling, many still struggle to afford enough to eat.
Mr Obasanjo’s reforms in the early 2000s aimed to increase economic dynamism and improve people’s lives by attracting fresh capital investment into newly privatised sectors.
By the end of his second term in 2007, domestic companies were worth $85 billion, up from $3 billion in 1999.
Mr Tinubu, by contrast, has so far focused on restoring stability and reviving the country’s ailing oil-and-gas sector. To bring about more golden years for Nigerians, he needs to go beyond that. ■
Credit: The Economist
Business
FOBTOB seeks fresh dialogue over ban on alcohol in sachets and PET bottles
Therefore, while NAFDAC states that factories will not be shut down, the policy will result in economic shutdown, particularly for indigenous manufacturers and informal-sector participants.
Food, Beverages and Tobacco Senior Staff Association (FOBTOB) said on Thursday that the NAFDAC’s blanket ban on satchets alcohol is economically destructive.
FOBTOB, there call out for a fresh dialogue comprising the stakeholders in the industry, the National Assembly, the Federal Ministry of Health, NAFDAC and Civil society organizations to engage in open, transparent, and evidence-based dialogue aimed at crafting policies that protect public health without destroying livelihoods or creating regulatory contradictions.
Reacting to a press release issued by the Director-General of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) today regarding the enforcement of a ban on alcoholic beverages packaged in sachets and small containers below 200ml, FOBTOB President, Jimoh Oyibo, disclosed that while the association acknowledge and fully supports the shared objective of protecting children, adolescents, and vulnerable populations from the harmful use of alcohol
“We must express deep concern that the approach adopted by NAFDAC is disproportionate, economically disruptive, and inconsistent with broader regulatory and public health realities in Nigeria,” he said.
PUBLIC HEALTH IS IMPORTANT — BUT POLICY MUST BE BALANCED AND EVIDENCE-BASED
No reasonable stakeholder disputes that excessive alcohol consumption is harmful.
However, public health challenges require holistic, data-driven, and enforceable solutions, not blanket prohibitions that fail to address root causes.
Alcohol abuse among minors is primarily a challenge of effective enforcement, parental responsibility, public education, and social regulation, rather than one of packaging format.
The size of an alcohol container does not in itself, confer safety, nor does increasing pack sizes prevent access by minors.
The global public health evidence consistently demonstrates that behavioural regulation, age-restriction enforcement, education-driven interventions, and appropriate sanctions are more effective in addressing underage alcohol consumption than blanket product bans.
NAFDAC’S CLAIM ON UNINTERRUPTED COMPANY OPERATIONS – CONTRADICTED BY EVIDENCE
Notwithstanding representations made by affected stakeholders, access to these depots has not been restored by NAFDAC, and this is affecting normal business operations negatively.
As a labour union, the livelihoods of our members will be adversely affected by the closure of manufacturers’ depots.
We have compiled records of these enforcement actions for reference and ongoing engagement, which are presented alongside this article.
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES CANNOT BE IGNORED
For many indigenous distillers, blenders, and distributors, sachet and sub-200ml packaging does not constitute a marginal segment of their operations but rather is the foundation of the core business model.
These packaging formats were intentionally developed to serve low-income consumers, informal retail channels, and rural markets where considerations such as affordability, portability, and unit pricing determine demand.
Also, the claim that the policy only affects “two packages” does not fully convey the magnitude of the impact.
In operational terms:
Production lines are configured specifically for sachet and small-format bottling.
Distribution networks are optimized for high-volume, low-unit sales
Retail reach is largely dependent on maintaining affordability at the lowest price points.
For many small and medium-scale operators, this transition will not be financially attainable.
Therefore, while NAFDAC states that factories will not be shut down, the policy will result in economic shutdown, particularly for indigenous manufacturers and informal-sector participants.
The ban on sachets and small containers below 200ml also risks tilting the market in favour of larger, better-capitalized multinational players who can absorb retooling costs and pivot to premium pack sizes.
Smaller local producers, who rely overwhelmingly on sachet sales, are disproportionately harmed, raising concerns about market concentration and unfair competitive outcomes.
Public health and economic survival are not mutually exclusive.
Nigeria deserves policies that are balanced, humane, enforceable, and fair.
The solution lies in moderation, education, and enforcement, not in policies that punish many while failing to address the real drivers of abuse.
SIGNED BYJIMOH OYIBONATIONAL PRESIDENT FOOD, BEVERAGE AND TOBACCO SENIOR STAFF ASSOCIATION (FOBTOB
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